The Siege of Fort Vincennes, February 22 – 24, 1779, was a desperate attack by approximately 200 Virginia militia and French Volunteers to maintain the American momentum established in 1778; capturing British forts and settlements in the far western regions from Kentucky to the upper Mississippi River Valley. Colonel George Rogers Clark, older brother of William Clark of the later famous Lewis and Clark Expedition, led the successful American force against Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton’s garrison of 96 British regulars and Canadian militia at Fort Sackville, Vincennes, along the Wabash River in present day Indiana. The fort surrendered in only three days with few casualties on both sides.
But the real story of this turn in history lay beyond shots fired to encase the human drama and unfolding events that led up to, during, and after the siege. That of determination and sacrifice in an epic winter trek through a flooded wilderness, of pure hatred and delight in murderous violence on display for all to see, and of fate, by an action, though modest in comparison, which decided England’s claim to her Northwest Territories; an area larger than all the thirteen colonies combined.
Scholars Reference Three Major Journals
Historians and scholars have referenced three journals kept by three principal participants during the Illinois campaigns of 1778-79 to describe events:
- Colonel George Rogers Clark – commander of the American force
- Captain Joseph Bowman – second to Clark
- Lt. Governor Henry Hamilton – commanding British forces at Vincennes.
With minor exceptions, such as numbers wounded and killed, all three were similar in their accounts but for one interesting difference; Clark and Bowman wrote their date of arrival at Vincennes and their attack on the fort as February 23, 1779. While Hamilton, who was most meticulous in his journal detailing the days leading up to the attack on the fort, placed their arrival and assault to be February 22nd.
- Bowman wrote; “23rd: Set off to cross the plain…about one o’clock we cam in sight of the town…we mounted the rising ground the town is built on about 8 o’clock…Lt. Bayley [and] fourteen regulars was [sp] detached to fire on the fort.”
- Clark wrote; “in the evening of the 23rd, we got safe on terra Firma within half a league of the fort…I immediately dispatched a prisoner off with a letter, giving him time to reach the town before we marched…I detached Lt. Bayley and a party to attack the fort…”
- Hamilton wrote; February 22nd: “Roll calling was just over, when we were surprised by the firing of small arms, this I attributed to some drunken frolic of the inhabitants… It was now near dark and the fire increasing…the firing continuing all night on both sides…”
Therefore, the American and British versions remained one day off. For the sake of continuity, all dates will coincide with Clark and Bowman’s accounts signaling Clark’s arrival and beginning of the assault on Fort Sackville as February 23, 1779.
Brief History of Region
The Peoria Confederation and Illiniwek Native Americans occupied the massive region drained by the Mississippi River and south along the river. They may or may not have been descendants of the people who created the large mound societies in the Great Planes dating back thousands of years. The Illiniwek lived in present day Illinois, named for them when the first French explorers arrived in the 17th century. Of the Illiniwek were twelve Algonquian-speaking tribes, among them the Cahokia and Kaskaskia.
Eastern Illinois was dominated by the Wabash and Maumee River Valleys whose waters emptied into the Ohio. This region was settled by a loose alliance labeled the Wabash Confederacy. Five main tribes composed of this federation; Miami, Mascouten, Kickapoo, Wea, Piankashaw. By the beginning of the 18th century, three important and major European settlements would be established in this region. Along the Mississippi was Cahokia and Kaskaskia, named for region tribes, and to the east along the Wabash, Vincennes.
The earliest and oldest permanent settlement, Cahokia, was established in 1699 by French priests known as Seminarians from the Seminary of Foreign Missions in Montreal and Quebec. The town was east of the Mississippi River, across from what would later be settled as St. Louis. Around 70 miles south of Cahokia, in the rich agricultural bottom land forming a peninsula between the Mississippi and Kaskaskia Rivers, another settlement was established. In 1703, Kaskaskia was formed by Jesuit Priests from Louisiana, different from the Seminarians to the north. In fact, the two sects competed against each other to convert the Native Americans.
Soon, French Voyagers pursuing the fur trade followed the priests. They had filtered down from Canada and up from Louisiana. Over the years they intermarried with the Native American population and began to farm, enlarging the two main communities of Cahokia and Kaskaskia. Around this time, lead was discovered and African American slaves were shipped up the Mississippi from Louisiana to labor in the mines. Both Cahokia and Kaskaskia would play a role in the upcoming American Revolution as the conflict reached out to the far western frontier.
One hundred and eighty miles to the east of Kaskaskia, (Clark wrote in his journal that the distance was 240 miles) on the Wabash River and in a region that forms the border between present day Illinois and Indiana, was the Vincennes settlement. The first European occupation was by a group of 32 French voyagers from Montreal who established a trading post in 1702 to acquire buffalo furs. After a few successful years, it was abandoned. In 1732, Francois Marie Bissot-Sieur de Vincennes, French military officer and fur trader, built a trading post and stockade at the site to protect the fur trade from British and Spanish incursions. Vincennes was burned at the stake in 1735 and the following year Louis Groston de Saint-Ange de Bellerive assumed command of the post. He rebuilt the stockade and named it Fort Saint-Ange; however, the post would assume the name of its founder, Vincennes. Over the years, French Canadians gravitated to the post and intermarried with Native Americans, establishing a growing settlement. By 1776, there were 90 permanent families in the village that had become a thriving trade and agricultural center, swelling to several hundred Native Americans and traders after winter hunts.
British Control of Northwest Territories Leads to Conflict with Native Americans
Prior to the Seven Years War, 1756-63, France had declared the territories west of the Appalachian Mountains. England claimed the Atlantic coastal region, and Spain was in control of the southwest, Florida, and southern Georgia. Throughout the early 1700’s, the European forces collided in one clash of arms after another. Fort de Chartres was built by the French in 1719 between Cahokia and Kaskaskia to guard its holdings along the Mississippi. It served as the French seat of government and its chief military installation in the Illinois region.
Upon conclusion of the Seven Year’s War (French and Indian War in the Americas), all French land to the east of the Mississippi was handed over to the British. England assumed control of the established French forts and settlements. A large but loose confederation of Native Americans became dissatisfied with British rule; most particularly as colonial settlers from the east ignored established treaties with the Native American tribes.
Violence erupted along the frontier beginning with the Pontiac War, 1763-65. Native American war parties raided pioneer farms and communities which initiated an armed response from British and local colonial militias. So too, the Wabash tribes of eastern Illinois did not recognize British rule. Warlike, they did not hesitate to waylay, kidnap, or kill any British or colonial traders or soldiers they happened upon. The result was both minor and major clash of arms and temporary treaties. But settlers did not halt their incursion on Native American lands and violence continued to flare up.
War Erupts in the East and Kentucky Seeks Help
By 1775, when political relations between colonial ‘rebels’ and England worsened and erupted in open warfare, there were only pockets of violence in the west. However, that was to change. Neither the British nor the new American government had the men or means to send troops to guard the western wilderness and settlements. For security, the British forts and settlements relied on small detached companies of British regulars, militias (both Loyalists and French Canadians), as well as Native Americans. The American settlers in turn could expect support only from local armed groups and state militias. Within a year, western settlers from New York to Kentucky began to experience the fear of renewed Native American raids, now supported by the allied British who provided arms and ammunition.
Just over the mountains to the west of Virginia, Kentucky settlers found an answer to help solve their concerns for protection. They would use an illegal land speculation deal that had infuriated the pioneers; in a sense, killing two birds with one stone. Judge Richard Henderson from North Carolina had purchased much of Kentucky from the Cherokee in an illegal treaty. He intended to create a new Colony of Transylvania. Kentuckians thought that by petitioning the Virginia Legislature to make Kentucky a county of Virginia, it would both force Virginia to send militia and materials over the mountains to defend their county, while also cancelling Henderson’s land deal. For their spokesman, they chose George Rogers Clark; a choice that brought a determined leader to the region, and eventual hero status for the young Virginian.
George Rogers Clark Heads Virginia Militia Sent to Kentucky
George Rogers Clark, (1752-1818), was born near Charlottesville, Virginia. In 1771, at age 19, he traveled to Kentucky to survey the territory as a possible county of Virginia. In 1774, he was commissioned a captain of a company of militia from Kentucky and was briefly embroiled in Lord Dunmore’s War against the Shawnee Native Americans. In June of 1776, Kentucky settlers sent Clark and John Gabriel Jones to deliver a petition to the Virginia General Assembly, asking Virginia to formally extend its boundaries to include Kentucky. Virginia’s Governor Patrick Henry was only too happy to oblige and created Kentucky County, Virginia. Clark was commissioned a major of the Kentucky County militia. He returned to Kentucky with funds and 500 pounds of powder and shot to organize and defend the far western frontiers.
By 1777, the American Revolution intensified in Kentucky; many of the settlers calling it the year of ‘bloody sevens.’ British Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton at Fort Detroit sent military supplies to his western outposts and continued to provide weapons and ammunition to his Native American allies. He hoped by raiding frontier communities he would keep the local patriot militias occupied and even drive out colonial settlers. With no further aid arriving from the east, the local population of Kentucky were on their own to defend their homes. Clark was very active as head of the Kentucky County’s Virginia militia. While defending against Native American raiding parties, he knew he had to cut off the supply of British arms and influence. He developed a long-term plan to strike against the British headquartered at Fort Detroit. His strategy first involved seizing British outposts north in Indiana and Illinois to. Clark traveled to Virginia in December, 1777, to lay his plans for this expedition to Governor Henry.
Detroit’s Lieutenant Governor General Henry Hamilton
Scotsman Henry Hamilton (1734 – September 29, 1796), was a man of many talents; a gifted administrator, amateur artist, and commissioned a major in the British army. He fought in the Seven Years war and was wounded alongside the renowned General James Wolfe in Canada. He gave up his commission to be appointed one of the five Lieutenant Governor Generals of the British Northwest and commander at Fort Detroit on November 9, 1775. This designation of five lieutenant governing sectors who answered to the Governor General at Quebec became effective on May 1, 1775, after approval of the Quebec Act. The other four Lt. Governor posts were at Detroit, Kaskaskia, Gaspe, and Michilimackinac. With the post came enormous responsibilities and limited government support; he had only 300 British regulars to defend an area larger than all the thirteen coastal colonies combined.
Obtaining British Secretary of State for America George Germain’s blessings, he therefore relied heavily on Native American allies as a weapon against the flow of patriot settlers pouring into the Ohio River Valley and Kentucky. He came to be known as ‘Hairbuyer’ by Clark and his men who sought to villainize their enemy. Though there is no evidence Hamilton ever purchased or rewarded presents for scalps, he did grant rewards for captives brought to Detroit. He also ordered that every war party include English or French rangers to assure any pioneer captives were treated humanely. Hamilton would keep a journal of his time in Detroit, his capture of Vincennes and Fort Sackville, and his ultimate surrender of Vincennes and the fort to Clark; a man he would later come to despise as one who favorably indulged in ‘brutal savagery.’
Virginia Approves Clark’s Planned Expedition to Illinois
In December, 1777, while Washington’s army moved into winter headquarters at Valley Forge, Clark presented his plan for an expedition to the Illinois country to Virginia’s governor Patrick Henry. He proposed he raise a body of militia rangers and riflemen from Virginia and southwestern Pennsylvania. They would join additional militia from Kentucky and together, proceed to the Mississippi where they would capture Kaskaskia and Cahokia. After those two important British outposts were taken, Clark would proceed overland and take Vincennes and Fort Sackville. This was the first part of Clark’s plan to ease British attack against Kentucky settlers before his main objective; to gather a larger force and march north to capture Fort Detroit.
Governor Henry readily approved Clark’s plan and the Virginia Legislature added their authorization on January 2, 1778. Governor Henry promoted Clark to Lt. Colonel and authorized the supplies and money needed to fund the expedition. Clark spent the spring of 1778 recruiting men and preparing the expedition. He and his ‘Long Knives’ (Native American name for Virginia militiamen) traveled down the Ohio River and in late May, arrived at the Falls of Ohio, present day Louisville, Kentucky. Clark remained a month at the falls and on June 24th, continued west on the Ohio river for another 200 miles to Massac Creek and the ruins of a French Fort built during the French and Indian War. There he and his men crossed the Ohio River and headed north around a hundred miles to the British Settlement of Kaskaskia.
American Invasion of Canada Draws British Forces and Interests from the Far West
When England was granted all French claims east of the Mississippi River after the Seven Year’s War, very little in the way of money, supplies, and troops filtered into the vast wilderness to maintain British holdings. Only small detachments of troops were assigned to the half dozen or so outposts and stockades scattered through the Wabash/Illinois region. At the start of hostilities that blew up into the American Revolution, General Gage in Boston and General Guy Carleton in Quebec consolidated all their forces toward their two perspective cities.
Carleton refused to supply the necessary resources for the Northwest region’s defense or to retain its inhabitant’s allegiance; mainly Native Americans and French settlers. In late 1775, to help counter a rebel invasion of Canada, Carleton ordered the British troops garrisoned at Fort Gage in Kaskaskia withdrawn to Montreal and Quebec. British Captain Hugh Lord, Lt. Governor of Kaskaskia, left a local Frenchman in command of Fort Gage, Phillipe Rochebleve. By May of 1776, there were no British troops in the Illinois/Wabash country.
From May 19, 1777 to February 3, 1778, Lt. Governor of Vincennes, Edward Abbott, took it upon himself to try and reestablish British influence at Vincennes. With only French-Canadian militia and some Lake tribesmen from Detroit, he attempted to gain the trust of the Wabash tribes. However, lacking British soldiers or the money to supply the effort, in frustration, he gave up and returned to Montreal. As such, after Abbott’s departure, French settlers and Native Americans felt abandoned by British interests, leaving the entire region open for Clark’s venture to invade and claim the vast territory.
Clark Captures Kaskaskia and Cahokia
Five months after Lt. Governor Abbott departed Vincennes, Clark’s force of around 200 Virginia Militia entered Kaskaskia on the evening of July 4th, 1778. Not a shot was fired as the parish church bell announced the event. The bell has since been called the Western Liberty Bell and is on display in present day Kaskaskia, Illinois. The next day, Captain Joseph Bowman, Clark’s second, and his company headed 70 miles north to Cahokia and took the village on the 6th, so too, without firing a shot. There were no British forces to resist Clark’s takeover of both villages. But also, the French and Native Americans comprising both towns eagerly awaited the arrival of the Americans, welcoming the ‘Long Knives’ with open arms. This was due to one man; Father Gibault.
Father Pierre Gibault the Patriot Priest
Sometimes called the ‘Patriot Priest’ of the West, it is believed that Father Gibault had been a fur trader before he was educated at the Seminaire of Quebec. Ordained as priest at age 31 on March 19, 1768, he was afterwards appointed by Bishop Briand Vicar General of the Archbishop of Quebec for the Illinois country. He soon after departed for Kaskaskia, arriving on September 8, 1768. In his travels through Illinois, he found the region in a deplorable state religiously; some villages had not seen a priest for years.
While traveling between Kaskaskia and Cahokia, he served Catholics of French and Native American ethnicity, as well as Irish Catholic soldiers in the small detachment of the British Army’s 18th Regiment of Foot stationed at Kaskaskia. Over the years, Father Gibault oversaw a circuit of parishes that included Vincennes, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and St. Genevieve (south of Kaskaskia). So too, he visited north central Illinois to villages at Ouiatenon, Peoria, St. Joseph, and Michilimackinac. Because the territory was unsettled wilderness, Gibault never was unarmed; carrying a musket and two pistols.
The Catholic church, was sanctioned by the British for political reasons; however, Jesuits suffered under their rule. Father Gibault repeatedly asked that the British restore church property at Cahokia which had been refused. Clark would later report in a letter to George Mason that Gibault had told him while during a visit to Quebec in 1775, he had become aware of the differences between rebel colonials and their British government. He wrote that Gibault had become ‘rather prejudiced in favor of us,’ and that he found ‘happiness in the declaration of religious freedoms.’ When Clark informed Gibault that he too would honor religious freedoms and that France had declared war on England, the ‘patriot priest’ told Clark he would do all he could to help.
Clark Captures Vincennes
Once Father Gibault had arrayed all fears among the French residents at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, convincing his parishioners to aid the Virginians, he volunteered to travel to Vincennes to do the same. He and Dr. Jean-Baptiste Laffont left Kaskaskia for Vincennes on July 14th. He remained a few days there and converted a majority of the French and Native American residents to accept the Virginia militia who would soon arrive. Gibault immediately returned to Kaskaskia and informed Clark that the fort had been abandoned and that the villagers would welcome his arrival. In early August, 1778, Clark sent Captain Leonard Helm and a few of his men to Vincennes to take command of the village and the fort. By the end of the summer 1778, Clark wrote to Virginia authorities that Illinois was now under his command.
Lt. Governor Hamilton Marches to Vincennes
Hamilton learned that Colonel George Rogers Clark was at Kaskaskia with a militia of Virginians and that a Captain Leonard Helm now commanded at Vincennes. He decided to take immediate action. He later wrote, “It appeared to me expedient to attack them as soon as possible, and before they should be reinforced, or have time to engage the Indians in their interest.” For the expedition to Illinois, he gathered 33 regulars from the 8th Regiment of Foot, local Detroit militia numbering around 140 and mainly French Canadians, and about 350 Native Americans, mainly Lake Tribes, along with 14 Indian Agents. Hamilton’s small army left Detroit on October 7, 1778.
In seventy-one days, Hamilton covered 600 wilderness miles on his route to Vincennes. Along the way he encountered Frenchmen, traders mainly, and quickly developed a low esteem of their character writing “In all remote posts are to be found the most faithless and abandoned…” Nearing the village, Hamilton sent a detachment ahead under Major Jehu Hay (deputy Indian Agent, Major of Detroit militia, and former Lieutenant of the 60th Royal American Regiment) along with his company of militia, a couple of regulars, and a few chiefs and their men. They were to capture the fort and secure the village. When Hamilton arrived at Vincennes on December 17, 1778, he observed the American flag still flying over Fort Sackville; however, the fort had been captured and the garrison was already relinquishing their arms to Major Hay. The garrison of local French militiamen had not fired a shot and laid down their arms when Major Hay and his men appeared. Captain Leonard Helm and another Virginian militiamen stationed at the fort were immediately made prisoners and paroled.
Hamilton continued his low opinion of French traders and settlers writing that Vincennes’s residents were “indolent vicious and ignorant…” He stated that they changed their alliance as easily as their clothing. He further distanced himself from the local inhabitants when he insisted that each take an oath to England’s rule. He also blamed Father Gibault who had returned to Vincennes during his parish travels and pretty much correctly, held him responsible for the Frenchmen’s ‘bad’ character. He attempted to cultivate the local Native Americans; but he wrote that they had been ‘corrupted’ by the priests to place their ‘association’ to the American rebels or ‘Big Knives.’
Hamilton’s Fatal Decision to Wait Until Spring to Campaign Against Clark
Hamilton decided he would wait until the spring. Then unite with British Indian agent and loyalist John Stuart in the south to squeeze the Virginians in a vice between the two. His reasoning was sound; the weather was bad and the ‘waters were up’ and largely flooded. So too, his provisions were in short supply and his men were worn out after their 600-mile trek from Detroit. Of concern was the new American/France alliance that had weakened Britain’s hold on the local Native Americans. He needed to court their chiefs to assure their continued support. As to Clark and his militia, he had reports that the Virginian had only a few scattered troops under his command and that their morale was low and discipline lax.
Hamilton’s next move would prove fatal. He allowed the French/Canadian militia and Native American allies, around 600 men, to return and winter at their homes. He recruited local French militia from the village whose loyalties were questionable at best. Added to the 36 regular British troops of the 8th, the Frenchmen’s addition would bring the garrison to 96 defenders by the end of January, 1779. He then turned his attention to Fort Sackville that had been neglected and in need of major repairs.
Fort Sackville
When British Lieutenant Governor Edward Abbott of Vincennes had arrived at the frontier British outpost on May 19, 1777, he was alarmed by what he thought were inadequate defenses. There was no fort per say; just ruins of the former French stockade and a two-story building that served as headquarters He immediately organized the villagers, French voyagers and settlers, into three companies of fifty-man militias. His next move was to construct a fort. He ordered a stockade built around the headquarters and sent word to Kaskaskia for Fort Gage’s commander, Philippe de Rocheblave, to send four pieces of artillery; three-pounders and a swivel gun. The newly appointed village militia completed the stockade and placed the cannon by the fall of 1777.
Abbott had commissioned the stockade Fort Sackville, in honor of George Germain, 1st Viscount Sackville, Secretary of State for the North American Department. The fort was quadrangular in shape with four sides of different lengths; the log walls equally 11 feet high with salient angles midway along each wall with shooting platforms and two blockhouses. The walls, between 203 and 215 in length were constructed close to the village buildings. This would prove a major error in construction. It left no field of fire for the defenders, allowing attackers to use the buildings as protective barriers to get close to the walls where riflemen could do the most damage. Also, a lack of firing field proved the fort’s twelve cannon ineffective. The fort’s gate was located along the north wall and aligned with Main Street (present day First Street). The Catholic Church faced the east wall. On February 3, 1778, Abbott, frustrated by lack of Governor Carleton’s support, left Vincennes for Montreal, leaving a local militia commander in charge of Vincennes; Major Beaulon.
Hamilton Improves Vincennes Defense and Seeks Rebel Intelligence
Hamilton’s men spent the rest of December and January and into February encumbered with the necessary repairs to the fort. A well was dug, barracks completed, and a guardhouse constructed. Shooting platforms were shored up and spaces between the logs along the walls were caulked as best as time allowed. There seemed to be no end to the work needed which became more difficult after Hamilton had reduced his garrison for the winter. As such, much of the fort’s original weaknesses were still in play when Clark’s force arrived in February.
In January, Hamilton probed for rebel forces to his west. He sent out a large war party of 40 Native American allies to gather intelligence and if possible, attack and capture any militiamen they came upon. They did little in the way of gathering the intelligence Hamilton needed to prepare for a possible attack. Though their presence in the Kaskaskia area had led to a near capture of Colonel Clark and set off an alarm that the settlement was under a major attack, they did little in the way of gathering the intelligence Hamilton would need to prepare for a major assault.
Clark Learns of Hamilton in Vincennes and Prepares to March
Clark would not learn of Hamilton’s capture of Vincennes until six weeks later. On January 29, 1779, Francis Virgo, a Spanish merchant from the trading post at St. Louis, informed Clark that while on his way to Fort Sackville to deliver supplies to Captain Helm, he had been captured by the British. Father Gibault, who was still in Vincennes, was instrumental in securing his release. As his parole, the Spaniard had promised not to jeopardize British operations in the region and would say nothing of the British presence during his return to St. Louis trading post. Virgo, assuming he was true to his word, had first traveled to St. Louis, then headed south to Kaskaskia to warn Clark. He provided the Virginian with additional information on the town, its surrounding area, the size of Hamilton’s garrison, and the condition of the fort. Clark was already aware of the fort’s physical strength; its dilapidated condition and poor location – surrounded by buildings that could provide cover to attackers. This combination of a surprise attack and solid intelligence would prove critical in catching Hamilton and his men unaware and vulnerable.
Clark had a decision to make. He knew that if he waited until spring and more ideal travel conditions to attack Hamilton, the Lt. Governor would be rejoined by additional soldiers and Canadian militia from Detroit. Along with Native American allies, their numbers would overwhelm the rebel forces, forcing them no other alternative but to escape to Kentucky. He chose not to wait. He would assault Vincennes while Hamilton was weak in numbers. This decision presented him with a daunting, almost impossible task. He would have to trek through the wilderness some 200 miles in the dead of winter, through flooded, icy plains, while hoping the British remained unaware of his approach.
Clark gathered his men for the journey. Along with his Kentucky Virginians, half of this number were local French settlers. A militia company from Kaskaskia and a company from Cahokia marched south and arrived on February 4th. Clark knew he might need artillery and additional supplies and ammunition in a siege of the fort. They could not be transported overland when the ‘waters were up.’ He purchased a large river boat named the Willing and manned it with 40 men under his cousin, Captain John Rogers. The boat was mounted with two four-pounders, four swivel guns, and a nine pounder along with additional ammunition, food, and supplies. It was to travel down the Kaskaskia to the Mississippi, then upriver along the Ohio to the Wabash, whereas they would head north upriver and anchor 10 leagues just south of Vincennes. Their presence would supply both artillery for a possible siege and prevent Hamilton’s force from escaping downriver. According to Clark’s journal, the Willing departed on February 4th. It was hoped both ship and overland troops would arrive Vincennes at the same time.
Clark’s Trek to Vincennes
On February 5th, Clark wrote in his journal that he gathered upwards of two hundred men with Captain Joseph Bowman as his second-in-command. They took along only the bare necessary supplies to survive; leaving behind tents and baggage as everything was loaded on pack horses. Father Gibault was present at Kaskaskia as he was able to leave Vincennes under pretext to continue his circuit of preaching. He blessed the force of Frenchmen and Virginians which delayed their departure until the afternoon. The party covered only three miles before camping their first night. However, thereafter, Clark proved relentless in pushing his men towards their goal; at times completing up to thirty miles a day through swamps and swollen rivers.
Clark was not without his doubts of success. In a later letter to his friend and mentor, George Mason, he described the journey as one of “forlorn hope;” forced to traverse a wilderness that was “in many parts flowing with water.” He would recall afterwards that the weather was “wet, but fortunately, not cold for the season.” His men’s clothing remained saturated for most of the trek as they slogged over “a great part of the plains under water several inches deep.” It sapped their energy proving “difficult and very fatiguing.” Because all their needs were carried on pack animals, they had to send out hunting parties to supplement their food. Regardless, they averaged twenty-five to thirty miles a day as they pressed eastward across Illinois. A week since departing, they reached the Little Wabash River on the 13th and found it flooded and five miles wide. They were delayed two days while a large canoe or pirogue was built. On the 15th, men and supplies shuttled across the swollen river while the pack horses waded and swam. Clark would write that the crossing, though difficult, went smoothly, crediting the unseasonably warm weather.
The next few days proved especially hard. They had to continually wade through water, many times waist high. The food was nearly exhausted with no game in sight. They reached the Embarrass River late on February 17th; now only nine miles from Vincennes and Fort Sackville. The river proved too deep to ford and the pirogue used previously had been too large to carry. They therefore followed the Embarrass down to where it emptied into the Wabash River, just south of Vincennes. They finally made camp on what solid ground they could find, within earshot of Fort Sackville’s evening cannon. Here they begin constructing canoes to ferry the river.
By February 20th, Clark was doing all he could to keep his men from deserting. Captain Bowman, his second, wrote in his field journal that “spirits were low; they had been without food for the last two days…” adding the men were “very quiet but hungry; some almost in despair; many of the creole volunteers talking of returning.” Clark was more optimistic writing that “I conducted myself in such a manner that caused the whole to believe that I had no doubt of success, which kept their spirits up.” That same day, a turn of events cheered the party. Five hunters from Vincennes were captured while traveling by boat. They told Clark that his men had not been detected. That the people of Vincennes, Frenchmen and Native Americans were still sympathetic to the Americans. But of momentarily importance, they told him of two abandoned canoes along the river. Clark sent out a few of his men in their solo canoe to fetch the discarded canoes. They returned with one; the other could not be found.
The next day, the 21st, Clark’s small army crossed the Wabash by canoe, leaving behind their packhorses. With water now up to their shoulders, they continued their march to Vincennes. He sent a small party of men down the Wabash in one of the canoes to seek out the Willing and order it to come up, but there was no sign of the boat. With the men starving and reaching their limit, these last few days proved among the most difficult. Crossing a flooded plain over four miles wide, they had to spend hours using their canoe to shuttle the weary men from high point to high point. By February 23nd, Bowman reported that they were starving writing “Many of the men much cast down, particularly the volunteers [French militiamen]. No provisions of any sort…Hard fortune!” He added that “Those that were weak and famished from so much fatigue went in the canoes.”
That same day, the 23nd, they found relief. A canoe carrying some Native American women and children was captured. They found on board a quarter of a buffalo. This little bit of nourishment dished out to all gave the expedition some heart as they pushed on the last stretch to a stand of timber that rose from the flooded waters called ‘Warrior’s Island.’ Here they stood in full view of Vincennes and Fort Sackville, just two miles distant. Men later reported that all hardships were forgotten in that moment of excitement.
Arrives at Vincennes and Sends Word to Villagers
A villager out shooting ducks was captured. He informed Clark that they were still unsuspected by the British. Clark was cautious the man did not see the true size of his small force and quickly sent the man ahead to town with a letter to the inhabitants, warning them that he was just about to arrive with an army and that everyone should stay in their homes unless they wanted to be considered an enemy. The letter was read in the public square and it is reported that no one went to the fort to warn the British. As Clark expected, Frenchmen and Native Americans ventured from the town to see these American rebels and ‘Long Knives’ who they thought had come up river from Kentucky. To trick the villagers as to the size of his ‘army’ and to help assure they would not warn Hamilton, Clark marched his men out onto the plains in a circuitous route, so it seemed he had far many ore men than the British garrison. That evening, Feb. 23nd, at 8 PM, Clark entered Vincennes. He immediately dispatched a party of riflemen to the fort.
Feb. 23rd: Hamilton Places the Garrison on High Alert and Clark Assaults the Fort
Hamilton had some intelligence that there were enemies present. A 3 PM on the 22nd, a small detachment led by French militiaman Francois Maisonville returned to the fort. They had been in pursuit of some deserters when they came across four Virginians in a canoe on the Wabash. They caught two. Hamilton examined the Virginia men’s papers and returned it to them, thinking little of the episode. Maisonville; however, reported seeing 14 fires about four leagues south of the fort and thought they to be Virginia militia. Hamilton dispatched 6 British regulars and 14 French volunteers, led by Captain La Mothe, to investigate. As a precaution, he placed the garrison on high alert and ordered additional ammunition delivered to the blockhouses as well as set up additional scaffolding for small arms fire.
Just at sunset, Hamilton was surprised by gunfire. He wrote, “Roll calling was just over, when we were surprised by the firing of small arms, this I attributed to some drunken frolic of the inhabitants, but going upon the parade heard the balls sing, still I could not conceive otherways than that some drunken people were amusing themselves…” It became obvious that something more dubious was at hand when one of his regulars, Sergeant Chapman, was reported mortally wounded. It turned out Chapman’s wound was superficial, the bullet having been reflected off a button. However, it was enough for Hamilton to be convinced his fort was under attack and ordered his men to return fire.
The initial shots were coming from 14 Virginian riflemen under the command of Captain Bayley. His men had taken position outside three of the walls to begin harassing the fort. Clark’s men made good use of the extra powder provided by Frenchman Francois Busseron; this to replace their wet powder. Busseron commanded one of Vincennes’ French militia who had been aligned to the British. According to Hamilton, who later condemned the Frenchman as a traitor, Busseron had convinced 75 local Frenchman to support the rebels. The riflemen were able to creep up close to the fort, using the fences and houses that had been built close to the fort for protection. Bowman’s company began digging an entrenchment before the main gate writing that his men crossed the main street 120 yards in front of the main gate. From these earthworks, Clark planned to position his cannon when the Willing came up.
It was reported that Young Tobacco, a Piankeshaw chief, offered 100 braves to assist in the attack. Clark declined the offer. Some historians contribute this refusal to Clark fearing Young Tobacco’s men might be mistaken for other Wabash tribesmen in the area and fall victim to friendly fire. This was pure bullocks, ignoring the fact that Clark was renowned for his hatred towards Native Americans. He would later state that he would like to see “the whole race of Indians extirpated” and “your women and children given to the dogs to eat.” It is most likely that he based his refusal for Young Tobacco’s assistance solely on his suspicion and detestation of Native Americans. He would soon demonstrate this aversion in horrendous and gruesome detail.
Hamilton wrote of the night’s exchange between forces, “The firing continued all night on both sides, but without any effect from us the Enemy having the cover of the Church, the Churchyard fence, Houses, Barns, all within musket shot, we dislodged those at the Church by a few discharges of a 3 lbr from the Blockhouse, but had little chance of doing any execution against riflemen under cover…” Hamilton got his first information as to whom he faced when his surgeon gained the fort just as the firing started with news that he’d overheard 500 Virginians were present under Colonel Clark.
Clark’s men were able to fire through portholes whose wooden slats had never been hung; this due to having yet to fashion the necessary metal casings. Their accuracy was very effective as the British and French militia frantically tried to block the openings with additional planking. Casualties for this first night amounted to for the British; the afore mentioned sergeant, one maltose (artilleryman) and two others. Some historical accounts state that two Americans were wounded; however, Clark recorded he suffered no casualties and Bowman wrote that no Americans were wounded that night.
Feb. 24: Fire Resumes and Clark Demands British Surrender
By 4 am, the fire slacked off. Hamilton was surprised when at that time, all but two of his twenty-man detachment he’d sent to investigate the reported fires were able to make a run for it and clambered over the walls; some having been captured. Clark reported that a detachment from the fort escaped back to the stockade, but that he had captured its leader, Maisonville, and a British soldier.
The calm between musketry was short-lived. That morning Hamilton wrote, “The firing recommenced on both sides after sunrise, we cleared the houses next the fort by a few cannon shot from the Blockhouses, but this did not prevent our having two men Wounded thro the loopholes, and one walking across the parade…” Bowman wrote that during this exchange, one of his men had been slightly wounded. Bowman wrote that at 9 am, Clark sent a flag and letter of surrender to the fort. Hamilton places the time at 11 am. Hamilton continued that the letter of surrender was delivered by a captain of one of Vincennes’s militias who was admitted into the fort. Clark’s message was short and to the point. Immediate surrender and if any stores or papers were destroyed, the garrison would be treated with no mercy. Hamilton returned an answer with the militiamen, refusing surrender and that he nor his garrison “are to be prevailed on by threats to act in a manner unbecoming the character of British subjects.”
When Hamilton read Clark’s demands for surrender and his answer, vowing that he was determined to defend the fort to the last, the British regulars agreed, shouting three huzzahs. But the reaction was quite different from the French militia who lowered their heads. Hamilton wrote, “their Serjeants first turned round and muttered with their men, some said it was hard they should fight against their own Friends and relations who they could see had joined the Americans and fired against the Fort…” After having received Hamilton’s refusal, Clark reported that the firing ensued for two more hours. Bowman reported that no rebel wounded, but more of the garrison fell under their shots. During this time, Hamilton reconsidered his obstinance in defying Clark’s demands of surrender.
Hamilton knew he could only count on the thirty-six British regulars under his command to carry on the fight. While facing the Americans outside the fort, he also had to dispatch men to guard the Frenchmen within the fort. He wrote, “it would be absurd to think of holding out, that to retain the French was to depend on traitors, and to turn them out must give additional confidence to our enemies…” So too, he was 600 miles distant from relief with already “a fifth of our trusty Englishmen wounded, and wretched accommodations for them.” He wrote “I determined…to accept honorable terms if I could procure them.”
Hamilton Offers to Meet Clark to Discuss Terms of Surrender
The timing of letters exchanged seeking a meeting to discuss terms of surrender differed between the journals of the Americans and Hamilton’s. This hinged on Clark’s brutal murder of Native American captives. Bowman and Clark indicated the exchange of letters occurred before the natives were tomahawked whereas Hamilton wrote his letter offering to meet and discuss terms came after Clark killed the captives. Hamilton wrote to Clark, “Governor Hamilton proposes to Col. Clark a truce for three days; during which time he proposes there shall be no defensive work carried on in the garrison, on condition that Col. Clark shall observe, on his part, a like cessation of any offensive work.” Hamilton also offered a meeting during this time period and that “If Col. Clark makes a difficulty of coming into the fort, Lieut. Gov. Hamilton will speak to him by the gate.”. Clark was not interested in waiting and insisted that the fort surrendered at his discretion; however, he offered to meet with Hamilton: “If Mr. Hamilton is desirous of a conference with Col. Clark, he will meet him at the church with Capt. Helm.”
Though many historical accounts state that paroled Virginian Captain Helm carried Hamilton’s letter and Clark’s response; there is no primary source that states this. Helm is only mentioned at the end of Clark’s response, indicating Helm’s presence during talks.
Clark Murders Native American Captives in Cold Blood Before the Fort Gate
Historical accounts of Clark ordering the murder of Native American Captives before the fort’s main is thwart with errors. The confusion is confounded by inconsistencies among the three primary journals. Analyzing primary sources, the following account can be garnished.
Around 2 PM, Clark received word from Young Tobacco’s Kickapoos that a war party of approximately 15 to 16 men was approaching the fort. Clark immediately dispatched 70 men under Captain John Williams to capture them. As Hamilton reported, the men were “a party of 15 or 16 men, Native Americans, led by two white Sergeant Frenchmen Volunteers, sent to the Ohio Falls [present day Louisville, KY] had returned and advanced over the common towards the fort.” The war party saw the English flag flying over the fort and discharged their arms as a salute announcing their approach. As Bowman wrote: “Our men having got news of it, pursued them, killed two on the spot, wounded three, took six prisoners; brought them into town.” Clark wrote that the killed were scalped as were the wounded who were left to die.
Of the six prisoners, there were five Native Americans and one of the white French Volunteers, the other having escaped. The local white Frenchman was released, leaving the five Native Americans. Four were most likely of the Lake Tribes, Hamilton indicating in his journal that they were Ottawa. However, one other tribesman, a youth of around 18, proved to be the son of one of the French Volunteers from Cahokia. Clark best described this occurrence. “An old French Gent, of the name of St. Croix, Lieut. of Capt. McGarty’s Volunteers from Cohos had but one Son, who headed these Indians and was made Prisoner. He at first didn’t recognize his son through the war paint.” When the youth cried out, St. Croix recognized the voice and begged Clark for his son’s life, which was granted.
Of the four remaining prisoners, Clark would use them as an example writing that “I had now a fair opportunity of making an impression on the Indians that I could have wished for; that of convincing them that Governor Hamilton could not give them that protection that he had made them to believe he could…Ordered the Prisoners to be Tomahawked in the face of the Garrison.” As Bowman recorded; “…brought the Indians to the main street before the Fort gate, there tomahawked them, and threw them into the river…”
Hamilton described what happened next. “On their arrival, they were placed in the street opposite the Fort Gate, where these poor wrenches were to be sacrificed. One of the others was tomahawked either by Clarke or one of his Officers, the other three foreseeing their fate, began to sing their Death song, and were butchered in succession, tho at the very time a flag of Truce was hanging out at the fort and the firing had ceased on both sides…A young chief of the Ottawa nation called Macutte Mong one of these last, having received the fatal stroke of a tomahawk… his executioner who repeated the Stroke a second and third time, after which the miserable being, not entirely deprived of life was dragged to the river, and thrown in with the rope about his neck where he ended his life and tortures — This horrid scene was transacted in the open Street, and before the door of a house where I afterward was quarterd [sp] the master of which related to me the above particulars…The Blood of the victims was still visible for days afterwards, a testimony of the courage and Humanity of Colonel Clarke.”
Accounts vary as to who wielded the tomahawk. Clark does not give details of the murders, nor does Bowman. Hamilton alluded to Clark, or one of his other officers, as wielding the tomahawk. He later is more exact in his suspicion that it was Clark who had done the deed. While the two met on the parade outside the fort, or at the church according to the Americans, to discuss terms of surrender, Hamilton wrote that “he had just come from his Indian triumph all bloody and sweating — seated himself on the edge of one of the batteaus, that had some rainwater in it, & while he washed his hands and face still reeking from the human sacrifice in which he had acted as chief priest.”
Of misleading historical accounts: Bowman reported that two white Frenchmen were taken prisoners. Actually, only one was caught and the other escaped. Bowman also incorrectly stated that the Frenchmen accompanying the raiding party were held captive by the Indians; the reason Clark released them. The two white Frenchmen, according to Hamilton, were part of the war party Hamilton had sent to raid settlers along the Ohio Falls. As to the Native American saved from death; Hamilton wrote that the boy proved to be the son of fallen Chief Pontiac. He wrote that “Macarty, a Captain of Colol. Clarkes Banditti, who said he was formerly owed his life to the Indian’s father…” begged for the boy’s release. Hamilton said this information was shared with him by one of the villagers after he had surrendered. Many internet sites have picked up on this falsehood as fact. So too, many historical texts and internet articles gloss over the murder of the four Native American captives. Focusing on Clark killing the shackled captives in cold blood as necessary to prove a point to the British and their allies. This ignores the fact that Clark had already gained the alliance of most of the Native tribes throughout the Illinois region and Clark’s intense hatred towards Native Americans in general, regardless of their union with or against the patriot cause.
Clark and Hamilton Twice Met to Discuss Terms of Surrender
Clark and Bowman wrote that Clark and Hamilton met at the church. Hamilton wrote that they met on the parade outside the fort. Both men recorded their aversion and loathing for the other and referred to each in their journals as murderers. Hamilton wrote that Clark tried to convince him that he had no option but to surrender – “The Colonel proceeded to tell me that it was in vain to think of persisting in the defense of the fort, that his cannon would be up in a few hours, that he knew to a man who of my people I could depend upon…” Clark pressed for unconditional surrender termed at his discretion. Hamilton answered he and his men would prefer to die than agree to surrender without terms.
Clark was concerned that a long and protracted siege would result in word reaching Detroit and a relief force could be sent. He stressed his argument for immediate surrender, telling Hamilton that if he resisted, “not a single man would be spared.” Hamilton recorded that one of Clark’s officers urged him to surrender to spare spilling any more blood. Though none of the journals give a name, since in an earlier exchange, Clark requested Hamilton bring Captain Helm, captured former commander of the fort and one of Clark’s men, it can be assumed he was the officer speaking up. Hamilton finished this first session telling Clark to consider writing terms and they would meet again shortly.
Hamilton and Clark resumed their meeting about thirty minutes later. It did not go well at first. Hamilton recorded, “We resumed our conversation, he seemed as determined as before, I then said further discourse was vain I would return to the fort, and to prevent mistakes the firing should not recommence, till an hour after our parting, that each side might be prepared, I then gave him my hand saying we might part as gentlemen tho not as friends.” At that, Hamilton walked away. However, his Indian agent, Major Hay and Clark’s second, Captain Bowman called Hamilton back. They resumed the meeting and Clark told Hamilton to draw up terms and send it to him. He would answer and if agreed, they would set a time for surrender.
Hamilton received Clark’s terms and wrote he discussed it with his officers, reiterating their condition 600 miles from aid, the small numbers and the condition of the wounded, treachery of local Frenchmen, and the fact that Clark’s cannon would soon be brought up. He wrote terms and sent them to Clark who agreed to some and rejected others, sending it back. Hamilton then signed the terms and spent the night preparing his papers and men to surrender the next morning abhorring, as he wrote, “to being captives to an unprincipled motley Banditti…”
Fort Sackville was to be turned over as is with all stores and equipment to Clark at 10 am on February 25, 1779. That:
- The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of war, and march out with their arms and accoutrements, &c., &c.
- Three days’ time to be allowed the garrison to settle their accounts with the inhabitants and traders of this place.
- The officers of the garrison to be allowed the necessary baggage, &c., &c.
Feb. 25th: Fort and Men Surrendered. Cannon Explosion Severely Wounds Several Men.
Bowman wrote, “About 10 o’clock Capt. Bowman and Capt. McCarty’s companies paraded on one side of the Fort gate. Governor Hamilton and his garrison marched out, whilst Col. Clark, Captains Williams’ and Worthington’s companies marched into the Fort, relieved the Gentries, hoisted the American colours, secured all the arms.” Hamilton wrote “At ten o’Clock we marched out with fixed Bayonettes and our Knapsacks…” He also made mention of the colors, “The Colors were not hoisted this morning that we might be spared the mortification of hawling them down but the Rebels had them presently hoisted with their 13 Stripes over them.” Seventy-nine men of the garrison surrendered to Clark’s 170 gathered militia and French Volunteers. Seven of the garrison had been wounded and six of these were regulars. The Frenchmen surrendered were of the Detroit militia who did not want to further the fight and would freely give their oath of neutrality, hoping to return home.
A few artistic renditions of Fort Sackville’s surrender.
Clark was confined to one of the rooms in the fort. That afternoon Clark and some of his officers came to him. Hamilton wrote, “He asked of me who were the persons under my orders who had been employed with the Indians, I told him they were present & would answer for themselves, which they having done, the Colol. ordered one of his Officers to go for the smith & direct him to make irons for them all, which should confine the neck hands and feet.” Hamilton was shocked by the treatment of his officers and requested he speak to Clark personally. Clark told Hamilton that he was resolved to make an example of all who had acted with the Indians, without exception. Hamilton pointed out that he’d set his signature to a document that was secured without violence. Clark was obstinate in his decision to put chains on several of the officers. Hamilton was disgusted stating “he [Clark] must renounce all pretentions to the character of an Officer or a gentleman — He smiled contemptuously…” Clark ordered that the men be put in chains.
To celebrate the victory, orders were issued to fire cannon. Bowman wrote that thirteen cannon were to be fired; however, Hamilton stated that 13 rounds were to be fired from the same 6 pounder. During one of the firings, there was an explosion. Bowman wrote, “There blew up twenty-six six-pound cartridges in one of the batteries, which burned Captain Bowman; [designating himself] and Captain [Edward] Worthington much together with four privates.” Hamilton was more specific in injuries, including the two American captains and writing, “…with two others of their men, and a soldier of the King’s, one of our additional gunners who tho scorched and most of his skin blown from his face and arms.” Hamilton also wrote one of the French Volunteers was blown over the stockade, but landed on the ground and ran off with minor injuries.
Over the next six months, Captain Bowman would suffer from injuries caused by the blast. Clark wrote that right up through July he was still leading his men in field operations. Bowman’s health continued to decline from the severe burns and he died at Vincennes on August 14, 1779. Interestingly, Clark did not mention the incident in his journal. Perhaps he hoped by ignoring the accident, it would not take away from his victory. Internet sites and some historical texts state that the British rigged the cannon, causing it to explode in the face of the Americans. This is incorrect. Both Hamilton and Bowman were specific that the event was an accident.
AFTERMATH
Willing Arrives and the Prisoners Marched off to Virginia
On February 27th, the Willing arrived with much needed supplies and men. On March 5th, Captain Helms and fifty men returned from an excursion up the Wabash to capture ten enemy boats loaded with supplies. Among the 38 private captives was Mr. Philippe Dejean, Grand Judge of Detroit, Mr. Adimar, Commissary. On March 7th, Captain Williams and Lt. Rogers, who had commanded the Willing, set off for the Ohio Falls with 25 militiamen to escort Hamilton and his officers along with 18 privates. The final destination for the prisoners would be prisons in Virginia where they would be paroled and await exchange. The rest of the captives, both from the fort and relief party captured by Captain Helms were granted parole. On March 16th, most of the prisoners took the oath of neutrality and were given permission to set out for Detroit. On March 20th, six boats left for Kaskaskia with the remaining captives, French Volunteers, and some militiamen, leaving Lt. Brashers in command of the fort and Captain Helms in command of the village.
Fort Sackville Renamed
Clark would rename Fort Sackville to Fort Patrick Henry, in honor of Virginia’s Governor. There was already a Fort Patrick Henry in eastern Tennessee near the North Carolina border that was garrisoned throughout the war in defense against the Cherokee. Clark would head south to Kentucky and begin trying to raise men for his planned attack on Detroit. In the spring 1780, the Virginia troops withdrew from the Vincennes fort, leaving it in the control of local militia. Over the next several years the fort would be abandoned and eventually lay in ruins.
Clark the Hero
Clark had high hopes after his recapture of Vincennes. In the remaining years of the war, he attempted to organize a campaign against Detroit, but each time the expedition was called off because of insufficient men and supplies. It was fated as an expedition which never occurred; having run out of men, money, interest, and finally, the war. Meanwhile, settlers began to pour into Kentucky after hearing news of Clark’s victory. In 1779, Virginia opened a land office to register claims in Kentucky, and settlements such as Louisville were established.
Clark’s trek overland and the quick capture of Fort Sackville without the loss of a single soldier brought the young militiaman instant fame. It would prove to be his most significant military achievement in his life and secure his reputation as an early American hero. Washington instantly recognized the fellow Virginian’s achievement and his alliance with the French Volunteers during the assault on the fort. He would use this event to encourage France’s alliance with America.
Virginia’s legislature was quick to jump on the bandwagon, proclaiming Clark a hero while snatching up the whole of the Indiana/Illinois territory as its Illinois county. In 1781, Governor Thomas Jefferson awarded Clark with a state commission as Brigadier General; placing him in overall command of militias in Kentucky and the Illinois County. Clark would remain in Kentucky till the war’s end, organizing raids and counter attacks against Native American incursions though out the region. Virginia would obtain the region of Illinois for only a few years, handing it over to the central government in an agreement for the final ratification of the Articles of Confederation. The territory then became the Northwest Territory of the United States.
Clark Returns to Vincennes After the War
After the Revolution, several dozen Kentucky families settled in Vincennes. Friction between these Americans, the ethnic French-dominated local government, and the native peoples resulted in General Clark being sent to Vincennes in 1786 to command a Kentucky militia. Clark failed in his attempts to negotiate with the local native peoples. While there, he created somewhat of a national crisis when he seized the goods of Spanish traders. This enraged the local population and risked war with Spain. Under orders from the new United States government, Clark and his men were soon ordered out of the region and returned to Kentucky.
Clark’s Later Life and Death
After the war, Clark faced his creditors, having bankrolled his military operations during the war on personal credit. Virginia nor the Federal Government recognized his haphazard receipts during the war for repayment. Virginia would later recognize Clark’s war efforts by granting him 150,000 acres in what is now present-day Clark County in southern Indiana. Though now owning thousands of acres, he had not the resources to develop it and was considered ‘land poor.’ Clark worsened his finances by investing heavily in an expedition by French investors to claim Spanish lands. General Washington put a halt to the expedition, leaving Clark heavily in debt for the supplies he purchased on credit.
Eventually creditors claimed all his vast land holdings, leaving him, by 1803, a tiny plot near Clarksville. He built a log cabin overlooking the Ohio Falls and managed a grist mill with two slaves. Many naturalists and explorers visited Clark over the years including his brother William and Meriweather Lewis before the duo’s fame expedition to the west. Alcoholism and poor health took its toll and in 1809, he suffered a severe stroke. He afterwards stumbled into his fireplace and burnt his leg so severely that it had to be amputated. Unable to run the mill, he moved in with his sister and husband in Kentucky, eight miles from growing Louisville. After another stoke, he died on August 13, 1818. He is presently buried at Cave Hill Cemetery in Louisville.
Clark’s Reputation as Indian Hater
In 1779, Clark, declared that he “expected shortly to see the whole race of Indians extirpated, that for his part he would never spare Man woman or child of them on whom he could lay his hands”. During negotiations for surrender with Lt. Governor Hamilton on February 24, 1779, Hamilton queried Clark writing in his journal: “After stating the terms and Clark not agreeing, he [Hamilton] asked: ‘What more do you want?’ Clark replied : ‘I want sufficient cause to put all the Indians and partisans to death, as the greater part of these villains are with you.’” After the Revolution, he publicly proposed and lobbied for a 2,000 strong force to be mustered in Virginia to attack Native Americans in the Ohio Valley. Clark argued that this proposed expedition would show “that [the United States] are always able to crush [Native Americans] at our pleasure.” He also stated that if Indians declared war on the United States, they “should know that the next thing would be the Tomahawk” with “your women and children given to the dogs to eat.” Though Clark pressed hard to head up this expedition of genocide, it was never carried out due to budgetary concerns. Perhaps Lt. Governor Hamilton said it best when he quoted John Gay in answer to Clark wishing the extermination of all Native Americans, “Cowards are cruel, but the brave love mercy and delight to save.”
Hamilton
After his capture, Hamilton’s Journal keeps an exact record of his ordeals during the march east to Williamsburg, Virginia where he was held captive in the jail. Because of accounts, some exaggerated, that the ‘hair buyer’ had ravaged the frontier by employing Native Americans to raid and kill American settlers, he was a proper subject for retaliation; the Virginia Council recommending that Hamilton should be put in irons and jailed. British General William Phillips, who had been captured at Saratoga in 1777 and was still awaiting exchange, remonstrated against this treatment and Governor Jefferson referred Hamilton’s case to Washington who mitigated the Lieutenant Governor’s punishment. The irons were removed, though he was kept in close confinement with other prisoners; whereas officers were usually given preferred treatment.
Because Hamilton’s use of Native Americans had been so despised by the Americans, he was refused exchange on any terms. In November 1780, parole was granted and Hamilton was permitted to go to New York City. From there he was exchanged and traveled to Canada to the war’s end. Hamilton lobbied for and in 1785, got the Lieutenant Governorship of Quebec in 1785 after the recall of Sir Frederick Haldimand. He held this position only one year, when he returned to England, and was shortly afterwards appointed Governor of Dominica. He died at Antigua in September, 1796.
Father Gibault
Father Gibault been hugely instrumental in convincing the French and Native American inhabitants of the Illinois settlements to support the American cause, even exchanging Spanish dollars for American paper currency, at what would prove to be an enormous loss of funds. He also supplied the American militia with ammunition and much needed supplies. After the war, he was considered a pariah by British Canadian Bishops and denied a request to settle in Quebec. He later appealed to President George Washington for a little land and repayment for all he had done for the American cause. Washington was sympathetic, however American Bishops rejected. Without land or compensation, the destitute Gibault moved to New Madrid, Missouri, pastoring the parish of Saint-Isidore until his death on 16 August 1802. His body was sent to Canada, but his grave is unmarked.
George Rogers Clark Memorial
While nothing remains of the original fort, in the 1930’s the people of Indiana petitioned the government to build a monument to Clark on the former site of the fort along the Wabash River. President Franklin Roosevelt attended the grand opening of the memorial in 1936. Thirty years later, President Lyndon Johnson welcomed the site into the National Park Service in 1966. The interior rotunda includes a statue of George Rogers Clark by Hermon MacNeil and seven 28-foot-tall murals by Ezra Winter.
From 1969 to 1971, Indiana University conducted archeological investigations in the park north of the George Rogers Clark Memorial. Some 18th century artifacts were discovered along with 19th century odds and ends. Portions of stockade walls were discovered. Identification of their origin was impossible because of the closeness of the 1732 French stockade, Fort Sackville, and the 1812 Fort Knox III. All three of these fortifications were on approximately the same site.
IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO READ MORE ON THE REVOLUTION ALONG THE FRONTIER, CHECK OUT THESE FREE PREVIEWS ON AMAZON
OF SIMILAR INTEREST ON REVOLUTIONARY WAR JOURNAL
RESOURCE
Barnhart, John D. Henry Hamilton and George Rogers Clark in the American Revolution with the unpublished Journal of Lt. Governor Henry Hamilton. 1951: R. E. Banta, Crawfordville, Indiana.
Clark, George Rogers. George Rogers Clark Sketch of his Campaign in Illinois 1778-79 With Appendix of Major Bowman’s Journal. 1869: Robert Clark and Company, Cincinnati, OH.
Commager, Henry Steele and Morris, Richard B. The Spirit of Seventy-Six. The Story of the American Revolution as Told by its Participants. 1958: Castle Books & Harper Collins Publishers, New York, NY.
Cornelius, Jim. “A Fair Opportunity of Making An Impression’ — The Battles Of The Long Knife — Part III” Frontier Partisans. March 25, 2019. https://frontierpartisans.com/15394/a-fair-opportunity-of-making-an-impression-the-battles-of-the-long-knife-part-iv/
“Dale Glasgow Artwork of Clark Crossing the Wabash.” Dale Glasgow Soul Works.
Dispenza, Brother Joseph C.S.C. Forgotten Patriot: The Story of Father Gibault. 1966: Dujarie Press, Notre Dame, Indiana.
Dunn, J.P. Annual Address Topic Father Gibault: The Patriot Priest of the Northwest. 1905: Transactions of the Illinois Historical Society, State Museum.
English, Sarah John. “George Rogers Clark.” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society. Vol. 20, No. 94 (January 1928) pp. 523-546.
English, William Hayden. Conquest of the Country Northwest of the River Ohio, 1778-1783, and Life of General George Rogers Clark, Vol. 2. 1896: Bowen-Merrill, Indianapolis, IN.
Fischer, James. “A Forgotten Hero Remembered, Revered, and Revised: The Legacy and Ordeal of George rogers Clark.” Indiana Magazine of History. (June 1996) Vol. 92, No. 2, pp. 109-32. Indiana University, Bloomington, IN.
“French Explorers and Colonists in the Illinois County.” Museum at Southern Illinois University’s Morris Library.
Harrison, Lowell H. George Rogers Clark and the War in the West. 1976 (Reprint 2001): Kentucky University Press, Lexington, Kentucky.
James, James Alton. The Life of George Rogers Clark. 1928: University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL.
Nester, William R. George Rogers Clark I Glory in War. 2012: Univ. of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK.
Ostler, J. Surviving Genocide. 2019 Pages 63-83 on Clark as “Indian Hater.” Yale University Press.
Potts, Gwynne Tuell. George Rogers Clark and William Croghan, A Story of the Revolution, Settlement, and Early Life at Locust Grove. 2020: University Press of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky.
Saunt, Claudio. West of the Revolution. 2014: W. W. Norton & Company, New York, NY.
Sheehan, Bernard W. “The Famous Hair Buyer General: Henry Hamilton, George Rogers Clark and the American Indian.” Indiana Magazine of History, Vol. 79, No. 1 (March 1983), pp 1-28.
Shepherd, Joshua. “George Rogers Clark at Vincennes: You Can Expect no Mercy.” Feb. 17, 2015. All Things Liberty.
Smith, Hubbard Madison. Historical Sketches of Old Vincennes Founded in 1732. 1902: Published by Author, Vincennes, IN.
Stevens, Paul L. “To Keep the Indians of the Wabache in His Majesty’s Interest: The Indian Diplomacy of Edward Abbott, British Lieutenant of Vincennes, 1776-1778.” Indiana Magazine of History, Vol. 83, No. 2 (June 1987), pp 141-172.
Turner, Frederick Jackson. George Rogers Clark and the Kaskaskia Campaign 1777-1778. 1903: Reprint from the American Historical Review, Vol. VIII, No. 3, 1903.