Mount Vernon Saved at Washington’s Embarrassment

By the spring of 1781, six years of war in America had witnessed thousands of homes and homesteads plundered and torched. British and American punitive raids and foraging parties scoured coastal and inner regions. Politics and hatred morphed into one as a civil war erupted between militia bands of patriots and loyalists. In early April, 1781, British warships sailed the Potomac River. They raided and torched warehouses and demanded payment from plantation owners along the river, under threat of destruction. Those committed to the rebellion refused and watched their property pillaged, livestock killed, and homes and outbuildings go up in flames.

But while neighboring plantations were consumed in plumes of smoke and swirling ambers, Washington’s cherished Mt. Vernon was not touched. Why? April 14, 1781, Lund Washington, a cousin of General George Washington through a shared grandfather John Washington, who the general had appointed caretaker of Mt. Vernon, boarded the British warship HMS Savage. He brought some chickens and pandered to its captain, Thomas Graves, begging not to be attacked. When Graves demanded more in payment besides some poultry, Lund offered a generous bribe to spare the luxurious mansion looking out over the Potomac. Grovel and gifts accepted, Mt. Vernon was spared. But at what price? Honor had been cast aside. Made worse when other rebel landowners refused to comply with British demands and accepted their patriotic fate in loss of their homes.

It was a paradoxical embarrassment for the supreme leader of the colonial rebellion; one vowed to set an example and sacrifice all in the name of freedom. All that is, except apparently his home and possessions. Washington was furious and fired a letter of condemnation to Lund who became a scapegoat. But so too, Washington was enflamed that seventeen of his slaves, 10% of his human property, had boarded the Savage to freedom. His Excellency would spend the rest of his life seeking the return of his escaped chattel, eventually locating and reclaiming seven.

Benedict Arnold Sent to Virginia

In 1780, the focus of the war shifted to the Carolinas. On May 12^th, a Continental Army surrendered at Charleston, SC. Another suffered a devastating defeat at Camden, August 16^th. In December, the Southern Continental Army’s incompetent commander, Major General Horatio Gates, was replaced with Major General Nathanael Greene, Washington’s second in command. Greene would take over battling British General Lord Charles Cornwallis’ army in the Carolinas. To disrupt Washington’s ability to send Greene much needed supplies, British Supreme Commander General Henry Clinton ordered the turncoat General Benedict Arnold into Virginia. The former Continental General arrived in December with orders to raid military supply bases, gather support from loyalists, and establish a British port on the lower Chesapeake Bay.

To counter Arnold’s presence and with an intense desire to capture and hang the traitor, Washington dispatched 1,200 Continental troops to Virginia under his twenty-three-year-old prodigy, Major General Marquis de Lafayette. A French fleet was to sail from Newport, RI in support of Lafayette and transport his troops south from Head of Elk, but were delayed. Lafayette marched his men to Annapolis, Maryland where he left his land force. On March 14^th, the Frenchman arrived at Yorktown, forty miles north of Arnold’s position at Portsmouth, VA. He began arrangements to hook up with General Baron von Steuben’s forces in Virginia when two days later, on March 16, 1781, the Battle of Cape Henry decided who would command the Chesapeake Bay.  

The French met the British fleet outside the mouth of Chesapeake Bay. Though the French bested the British ships, they sailed back to Rhode Island for repairs. This left the British fleet to link up with Arnold and remain in charge of the Chesapeake. To assist with establishing a naval base at Portsmouth, an additional 2,000 British troops under Major General William Phillips were sent to Virginia with Phillips replacing Arnold in command. In late March, 1781, to prevent Lafayette’s land force at Annapolis from crossing the Potomac River and joining up with von Steuben’s command, a small British fleet was dispatched to the Potomac River.

Primary Sources

Majority of what we know of the raid is found in the following primary sources:

• Captain Thomas Graves, Captain of the HMS Savage, kept a daily log of the mission.
• George Grieve, French translator and friend of Washington and Rochambeau, visited Lund Washington at Mount Vernon in 1782. Recorded what Lund said of the incident.
• Militiaman Colonel Oliver Towles in a letter to General von Steuben who was posted in Virginia at the time.
• Militiaman John Skinker in a letter to Virginia Governor Thomas Jefferson.
• The April 15, 1781 addition of the Pennsylvania Gazette.
• Correspondence between Lund Washington and George Washington.

British Fleet in Potomac Raid

The fleet was commanded by Captain Thomas Graves; not to be confused with his first cousin once removed, Admiral Lord Thomas Graves, commanding a British fleet in North American in 1781. His ship, HMS Savage was a three-masted sloop of war of 302 tons that was commissioned in April 1778 as a fourteen-gun vessel requiring a crew of 125. Her bottom was copper-clad which would have given her a speed advantage over most similar vessels. By the time she sailed for North America the following year, she carried sixteen six-pounders.

• HMS Savage. Sixteen guns with 125 men aboard – Captain Thomas Graves
• HMS Swift.  Sloop of 12 guns, 86’ in length, built in 1778 at Chesapeake Bay
• HMS Rambler. Schooner or Cutter, Graves called it Qr. Master General vessel, 10 guns with 40 men
• HMS Hope. Schoner recorded to have 14 to 16 guns, 125 men, under Captain Thomas (according to the Pennsylvania Gazette)
• HMS General Monk. Sixteen guns with 125 men, under Captain Douglass (according to the Pennsylvania Gazette)
• Privateer Jack O’ Lanthorn (old spelling of Lantern). Seven guns with 65 men.
• Two Brigs of 12 guns with 60 men each
• Two or three tenders

Homes and Plantations Pillaged and Destroyed

On April 3, 1781, the fleet had arrived at Hampton Roads at the opening of Chesapeake Bay. On the 6^th, they had reached the mouth of the Potomac River minus the Jack O’ Lanthorn (who would join on the 7^th) and the Hope and General Monk (who would meet the fleet on the 10^th).  As Captain Graves sailed up the river, he kept a log of the mission that ended on April 21^st with the fleet’s return to the Chesapeake Bay. They sailed for Alexandria, forty-three miles from the Chesapeake, with the intent of raiding and burning the town. As they neared Alexandra, they began ransacking warehouses and plantations. Militiaman John Skinker wrote to Governor Thomas Jefferson on April 11^th, detailing several warehouses and homes that were destroyed by Graves’ fleet. They arrived just south of Alexandra on April 11^th, but a mile and a half before the town, Hope and Swift grounded. The Rambler grounded the next day while helping to remove cannon to lighten the other ships. Once all were freed, it was decided they could not risk grounding again to reach the town and Alexandria was left unmolested.

To compensate for this disappointment, Captain Graves turned downriver and resumed looting and burning. The plantations and warehouses along the Potomac were vulnerable to British ships and raiding parties. By the spring of 1781, British seamen and marines had little to fear from Virginians. The previous year, the entire Virginia Line had been captured at Charleston, South Carolina. Many Virginian militiamen were aiding the Southern Army in the Carolinas, leaving practically no organized militia in the state to deal with incursions by the enemy. In John Skinker April 11^th letter to Governor Thomas Jefferson on April 11^th he stated “…that the militia was useless as not a third of them had arms fit for service.” Jefferson was not a military man and his administration seemed helpless in the face of assaults such as Graves’ indiscriminate onslaught. So too, by frequently passing his ships up and down the Potomac, Graves also prevented General Lafayette from collecting craft to cross his troops over the Potomac to march against General Arnold’s detachment on the James.

The April 15^th Pennsylvania Gazette reported a major raid Graves ordered on Thursday, April 12^th, twelve miles below Alexandria against the Maryland plantation of rebel leader Major Henry Lyles. Captain Graves had sent a flag of truth to Major Lyles for provisions and that the militia leader would receive payment. Lyles refused to comply and said he and his militia would defend his plantation. Two hundred seamen embarked in nine barges and attacked under ships’ cannonade. Seamen and marines killed livestock and took valuables before torching the home and outbuildings. They were fired upon by the militia in which the Gazette reported two attackers were killed. Colonel Oliver Towles sent a version of the action on Major Lyles plantation to General von Steuben. He noted that the ships involved were two of 16 guns, one of 18 guns, two Brigs of 12 guns each, and one tender. Graves’ April 12^th log only mentions freeing the grounded ships and not the raid; however, for the 13^th, he writes “…fired on by militia to little effect. One wounded. Destroyed several houses.”

Lund Washington Panders to British Demands

Lund Washington had been appointed caretaker of Mount Vernon when Washington left to take command of the army in 1775.  When the British arrived at Mount Vernon in April of 1781, George and Martha Washington were with the army at military headquarters in New Windsor, New York. General Washington had not seen his home for nearly six years, serving as commander of the Continental Army. Though carrying the burden of supreme command, Washington always found time to communicate often with his cousin in all matters concerning the estate; most especially major renovations that more than doubled the main house while he was away. But the day the Savage anchored off shore from Mount Vernon, Lund had to exercise his own discretion on how to deal with the raiders without instructions from Washington.

The date Lund boarded the Savage and agreed to meet Captain Graves demands rather than face the destruction of Mount Vernon is generally accepted as the 14^th.  Graves’ log makes no mention of Mount Vernon. The 10^th through the 13^th notes that warehouses and homes were destroyed. For the 14^th, he wrote, “reported coming down river – sent out flags of truth and brought blacks on board.” A flag was delivered to Lund and ultimately 17 of Washington’s slaves were brought on board the Savage.

However, evidence also points towards the 12^th. George Grieves, French translator and friend of Generals Washington and Rochambeau, who met with Lund at Mount Vernon in 1782 wrote: “Mr. Lund Washington…informed me that an English frigate having come up the Potomac, a party was landed who set fire to and destroyed some gentlemen’s houses on the Maryland side in sight of Mount Vernon…after which the Captain (I think Captain…Graves [Thomas Graves] of the Acetaeon…[HMS Savage] sent a boat on shore to the General’s [Mount Vernon]…”  According to the Gazette, the destruction of Major Lyle’s plantation on the Maryland side of the river was on the 12^th. Lyle’s home was around 12 miles south of Alexandria while Mount Vernon is slightly closer at around 10 miles. It is possible that the ‘some gentlemen’s houses on the Maryland side in sight of Mount Vernon’ could include Lyles’s plantation; therefore, placing Lund on board the Savage on the 12^th, not the 14^th.

Grieves wrote the flag officer was “…demanding a large supply of provisions, etc. with a menace of burning it likewise in case of a refusal. To this message Mr. Lund Washington replied, ‘that when the General engaged in the contest….was well aware of the exposed situation of his house and property…he had given him [Lund] orders by no means to comply with any such demands, for that he would make no unworthy compromise with the enemy, and was ready to meet the fate of his neighbors.’  According to Lund, Graves crossed his ship and anchored off Mount Vernon. He resent the original demand; this time with an invite to board his ship. 

According to Lund, Graves brought his ship over and anchored off Mount Vernon. Before destroying the plantation, he resent his original message to Lund, this time with the invite for Lund to come aboard. Lund said he returned on the small boat to Graves, bringing a small present of poultry, in which Lund begged the captain accept. In his own defense, Lund said he repeated the general’s wishes and that under no condition, was he to deal with the British.

In response, it appears Graves masterly stroked Lund’s ego and buttered him up stating that he “expressed his personal respect for the character of the General [George Washington] and commending the conduct of Mr. Lund Washington..” Graves said he would not “entertain the idea of taking the smallest measure offensive to so illustrious a character as the General…” Graves continued to Lund that the destruction witnessed on the Maryland side was caused not by prearranged aggression, but by “provocations [that] had compelled his severity on the other side of the river.”  Lund was then adequately entertained on board as Grieve described it “in perfect harmony.” Lulled by his hosts’ etiquette and lavish complements, and perhaps an ample dose of spirits, Lund agreed to Graves terms and returned to Mount Vernon. He “…instantly dispatched sheep, hogs, and an abundant supply of other articles as a present to the English frigate.”  Along with 17 of Washington’s slaves who requested to be taken on board, Graves weighted anchor, leaving Mount Vernon unscathed among the ruins of its neighbors.

Reaction to Lund’s Decision

General Lafayette visited Alexandria shortly after Graves’ fleet left the region. He heard of the destruction and Lund giving into the enemy’s demands to save Mount Vernon from the torch. He did not pull punches when he wrote to Washington his dismay over Lund pandering to the enemy. As to Washington’s slaves, an emancipist, their loss did not concern him. He wrote: “When the enemy came to your house many Negroes deserted to them. This piece of News did not affect me much as I little Value [this] property – But you cannot conceive how unhappy I have been to hear that Mr. Lund Washington went on board the Enemy’s vessels and consented to give them provisions. This being done…represents you at your house will certainly have a bad effect, and contrasts with spirited answers from some neighbors that had their houses burnt accordingly.”

Either deliberately or inadvertently, Graves stirred up resentment and embarrassment for the commander-in-chief. By not torching Mount Vernon, less fortunate neighbors who homes were destroyed outright, or who had refused to negotiate with the British and thereby suffered the loss of their homes, could not help but feel resentment and outrage toward both Washingtons. Honor was sacrosanct above all else among 18^th century gentlemen. The loss of such as alluded to in Lafayette’s letter could not go unanswered. Washington quickly replied that “the matter may be considered as a testimony of my disapprobation of his [Lund’s] conduct…I wish you to be assured that no man can condemn the measure more sincerely than I do.”

Lund’s priority was saving Mount Vernon at all costs. Caving into British demands and providing food and supplies, along with the loss of slaves, was a small price to pay to assure Mount Vernon remained whole. Whether honor was a factor could only have been answered by Lund. He mulled over the incident until the 18^th of April before writing to Washington. The general received his letter and on the 30^th, and shot back his reply. Opening with regret for both their loss he then proceeded to give his cousin a tongue-lashing:

“…but that which gives me most concern, is that you should go on board the enemys Vessels, and furnish them with refreshments. It would have been a less painful circumstance to me, to have heard, that in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my House, and laid the Plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy…with a view to prevent a conflagration… You should…have declared, explicitly, that it was improper for you to yield to the request; after which, if they had proceeded to help themselves, by force, you could but have submitted…[I] believe that your desire to rescue the buildings from impending danger, were your governing motives. But to go on board their Vessels…commune with a parcel of plundering Scoundrels, and request a favor…was exceedingly ill-judged, and tis to be feared, will be unhappy in its consequences…”

Washington’s Slaves Escape

Washington was particularly perturbed by the loss of several slaves who boarded the Savage that day. Seventeen or ten percent of his ‘human property’ sought freedom among the British, dispelling any illusion Washington might have harbored that his slaves were satisfied members of a happy family. Graves’ logs are clear that all slaves who sought refuge on his ships boarded voluntarily. On the 18^th, the armed Brig HMS Defiance met the fleet. Many escaped slaves were transferred to the Defiance and shipped to Portsmouth. Some would ship out on British merchants; many joined the British army at Yorktown. If they did not succumb to the pox or yellow fever, with the surrender of the army at Yorktown; most would be returned to slavery.

With the surrender of British troops at Yorktown six months later, seven of the seventeen slaves would be returned to Mount Vernon. Though Washington spent the rest of his life seeking the return of the other ten, they remained free from his influence. A list of the fourteen men and three women who boarded the Savage was compiled by Lund. They included:

• Peter, Lewis, and Frank – simply described as old
• Frederick – forty-five and overseer
• Gunner – mid-forties bricklayer
• Harry – around forty and hostler (stableman of horses).
• Tom and Sambo – both of twenty described as stout and healthy
• Thomas – seventeen-year-old house servant
• Peter – aged fifteen, James – twenty-two
• Stephen – twenty-year-old cooper (barrel maker)
• Watty (or Wally) – twenty-year-old weaver
• Daniel – nineteen, Lucy- twenty, Esther – eighteen, Deborah – sixteen
• The seven returned to Mount Vernon: Frederick, Frank, Gunner, Sambo, Thomas, Lucy, and Esther

Aftermath

Though Washington was furious with Lund at the time, his cousin’s decision allowed the commander-in-chief to return to the exquisite comfort of his beloved Mount Vernon at war’s end. The general and first president of the United States would often entertain illustrious guests in the lavish mansion and surroundings saved by Lund. So too, future generations could thank Lund for saving what has become a rich, historical heritage and symbol of America’s founding. Washington weathered the short-term embarrassment and the incident was quickly forgotten when America’s fortunes in the war improved with the successful capture of the British army at Yorktown on October 19, 1781. Forgotten, except for those neighbors who had lost their homes to the raid.

Captain Thomas Graves continued to raid rebel homes right until the end of his mission, writing in his log for April 20^th; “Burned homes and raided tobacco warehouses,” and for the 21^st; “In Chesapeake Bay.” Soon after the Potomac River raid, Graves was given command of the HMS Bedford, 74-gun ship of the line.  He saw action later that fall on September 5, 1781, at the crucial Battle of Chesapeake Bay in which the British lost command of the Chesapeake, resulting in the ultimate capture of General Charles Cornwallis’ army. He would lead an illustrious career, being knighted for his service during the Napoleonic Wars. He was appointed to Commodore in 1800, Rear-Admiral in 1801, Vice Admiral in 1805, and Admiral in 1812, dying two years later.

When Graves left the Savage, twenty-one-year-old Commander Charles Stirling took over command. Stirling would fight one of the war’s most spectacular sea battle when on September 6, 1781, off the coast of Charleston, South Carolina, he came up against the powerful 24-gun American Privateer Congress; the largest and among the fastest privateer in the war. The Savage lost, but not before putting up an incredible fight against a foe with more than twice the advantage of size and weight of metal. Commander Stirling impressed his superiors and climbed the ranks to admiral, eventually replacing Admiral Graves at the head of a channel fleet when Graves’ retired due to health.

RECOMMENDED BOOKS IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO READ MORE

OF SIMILAR INTEREST ON REVOLUTIONARY WAR JOURNAL

Siege of Charleston, May 12, 1780: General Benjamin Lincoln Surrendered the Largest Continental Army During the War

The Virginians’ 800-Mile March to Save Charleston

George Washington’s Silent Condemnation of Slavery: In His Lifetime, Never Set a Single Slave Free

Lord Dunmore: Last Royal Governor of Virginia and the First to Offer Slaves Their Freedom

Washington and the Enlistment of Black Soldiers in the Continental Army

General Washington’s Thoughts on Slavery

RESOURCE

Fitzpatrick, John C., Editor.  The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources.

Volume 22 April 27, 1781-August 15, 1781.  1937: United States Government Printing Office Washington   August.

George Washington’s Mt. Vernon. Mt. Vernon Ladies Association.  “HMS Savage”

George Washington Memorial Parkway and National Park Service.   “Revolutionary War Standoff at Jones Point.”

Grieve, George. “Notes on Conversation with Lund Washington,” Travels North America in the Years 1780, 1781 and 1782 by the Marquis de Chastellux, Vol. 2, ed. Howard C. Rice, Jr. (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1963), pg. 597.

Hirschfeld, Fritz.  “Burnt All Their Houses: The Log of HMS Savage During a Raid up the Potomac River, Spring 1781.”  The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. 99, No. 4 (Oct. 1991)

Published by the Virginia Historical Society.

National Park Service Yorktown Battlefield. “Lafayette and the Virginia Campaign 1781.”  Colonial National Historical Park Virginia.

Philbrick, Nathaniel. In the Hurricane’s Eye: The Genius of Geore Washington and the Victory at Yorktown. 2019: Penguin Books, New York, NY.

Reynolds, William.  “Mismatch off Charleston: The Privateer Congress vs HMS Savage.”  All Things Liberty.  April 11 2022.