Major James Wemyss: Among Most Hated British Officers

Major James Wemyss, pronounced ‘Weems’ (1748-1833), of the 63^rd Regiment of Foot had been labeled the second most hated British officer of the American Revolution, behind Lt. Colonel Banastre Tarleton; the dragoon commander who waged a brutal war in the south on anyone who would advance his ego and career. But for Wemyss, one who set out to hang rebel traitors while burning down homes and churches, calling the later ‘sedition shops,’ it would be logical that he’d carry a nation’s hatred on their shoulder. But one had only to look north to find another James who shared the podium with Wemyss as one of America’s most despised; British General James Grant – a  pompous stereotyped aristocrat whose repugnancy towards colonial riffraff was beyond historic.

However, historian Gene Procknow shed some light on Wemyss’ callous legacy by writing, “much of Wemyss’s reputation comes from early 19th century American historians who sought to burnish the reputations of the equally brutal Rebels and to demonize the British. Probably, Wemyss’s behaviors were no different than Rebel commanders during this period of intense neighbor on neighbor civil war.” A closer look at the facts tends to agree with Mr. Procknow’s assessment.

Yet Wemyss’ path of ruthless and violent destruction on the southern rebel community that defined his legacy was short-lived, and had been minimized. This due to the simple fact that since he had arrived in America prior to the Battle of Bunker Hill, June 17, 1775, he had never been given an independent command. In other words, for most of the war, Wemyss did not have the opportunity to wage a personal, savage, and sadistic retribution against those who supported his enemy. Not until early September, 1780. And when turned loose for barely a short two weeks, he made his horrific mark on the war. But for whatever goal Wemyss’ superiors expected, the avenging hellhound achieved the opposite, becoming Francis “Swamp Fox’s Marion’s most successful recruiting officer.

Early Life

James Wemyss was born in on November 7, 1748 in Edinburgh, Scotland. His parents were James Wemyss (related to James Wemyss, 5^th Earl of Wemyss, Wemyss Castle, Fife, Scotland) and Elizabeth Wylie. Wemyss began his career in the military at age seventeen; commissioned an ensign in he 40^th Regiment of Foot, April 16, 1766. Less than a year later, April 1, 1767, he purchased the rank of lieutenant. According to Army Lists, his regiment was stationed in Ireland, though a company may have been on duty in Edinburg. On June 24, 1770, Wemyss married his first or second cousin Rachel Wemyss, daughter of William Wemyss of Cuttlehill, Fife. His marriage was in Edinburg and the baptismal of his son, Alexander (August 21, 1771, was in Aberdour Parish, Fife. Though his regiment was in Ireland, this indicated that he had remained in Scotland for some time. On March 14, 1771, e purchased a captaincy in the 40^th, placing him in command of the regiment’s grenadier company. It was the commission he held when he sailed for America in 1775.

American Revolution Prior to 1780

The 40th arrived in Boston in June, 1775. They are listed as participating in the Battle of Bunker Hill, June 17, 1775; however, Wemyss’ future regiment, the 63^rd did storm the rebel defenses on Breed’s Hill. Interesting, years later Wemyss wrote that he had personally arrived in Boston in July of 1775. Over the next couple of years, Wemyss was active in obscure staff positions until he was commissioned Major in charge of the Queen’s Rangers; former partisan unit under famed William Rogers of French and Indian War ‘Rogers’ Rangers.’

• In December 1775, General William Howe organized Grenadier and Light Infantry companies into Battalions. Wemyss was assigned to command the 6 grenadier companies.
• After evacuation of Boston, Wemyss returned to the 40^th commanding his grenadiers.
• May 14, 1776, Wemyss was appointed aide-de-camp to Major General Robertson.
• August 27, 1776, served with General Robinson during the Battle of Long Island.
• April 1777, Wemyss was appointed aide-de-camp to former governor Major General William Tyron.
• Wemyss served with General Tryon during the raid at Danbury Connecticut, April 25 & 26.
• May 5, 1777, appointed Major of the Queen’s Rangers.
• Participated in the Forage Wars in New Jersey including skirmish at Amboy in June.
• He led the Queen’s Rangers at the Battle of Germantown where his unit performed superbly, forming part of the British vanguard along with Ferguson’s Riflemen. They were involved in hard fighting throughout the battle, suffering heavy casualties.
• October 15, 1777, Queen’s Rangers turned over to John Graves Simcoe.
• Wemyss deeply affected and angered by not being promoted and keeping the Rangers
• August 10, 1778, Wemyss appointed Major of the 63^rd Regiment of Foot. Though major and second in rank to the regiment’s commander, Colonel Paterson, Wemyss claimed he basically ran the regiment for the rest of the war.
• Summer of 1779, Wemyss and 63^rd formed an expedition to retake possession of Stoney Point on the Hudson that had been captured by ‘Mad’ Anthony Wayne.
• On December 26^th, the 63^rd was part of the invasion force under General Henry Clinton to Charleston, South Carolina.

Commands the 63^rd Regiment in 1780 Southern Invasion

After Charleston fells on May 12, 1780, the 63^rd under Wemyss remained in Charleston. General Cornwallis began to distribute troops around South Carolina. He created a line of communication between the outposts and his base at Charleston. Cornwallis, never one to sit on his hands, was impatient to begin his invasion of North Carolina, but he first needed to placate and secure South Carolina. In June, the 63^rd was sent north along the coast to Georgetown, where his duties were to include restoring peace in the region, obtaining paroles of known rebels, and recruiting Loyal militia.

Once arriving, Wemyss did get several former rebels to give their parole to England; however, the Scot gave little value to the colonial men’s ‘honor.’  He wrote to Cornwallis that many of the town’s principal inhabitants were “most violent and persecuting rebels” and had signed the document merely to save their estates from confiscation. He was quite derogatory towards the local inhabitants and recommended that the leading citizens should be sent to the ‘islands.’ Cornwallis seemed to be swayed by Wemyss’ harsh assessment writing Wemyss that “The remainder must be disarmed and put on parole to remain at home, with the most solemn assurance that if they break their parole by committing any act of hostility, they shall instantly be hanged without any form of trial farther than proving the identity of the person.”

Cornwallis, a member of Parliament and once a friend of Whigs and sympathetic to America’s concerns, by 1780, after four years of actions involving in near every major action of the war, his tone had soured. He was more apt to accept violence to achieve his goals in the south. Some give credit for his change in heart to the death of his beloved wife during a brief visit to England before returning to America in time for the southern invasion.

By the end of July, it was obvious to Cornwallis that Wemyss’ mission was a waste of time and valuable resources. The number of Tory militia was small. Plus, many of those loyalist militiamen he had signed, especially its leaders, had broken their oaths and rejoined rebel militias; some riding to Thomas Sumter’s corps to the west. As July ended, Wemyss’ situation began to rapidly deteriorate. Rebels were constantly attacking his patrols and harassing the garrison. The summer heat was causing his troops to sicken, many dying from malaria. By August the number of attacks and sickness worsened. Cornwallis wrote to Wemyss, “there can be no more hope or peace until we advance [into North Carolina] nor for you in the present situation of things do any good towards forming a militia at Georgetown. I cannot therefore approve of you making any longer stay there.”  Wemyss and his 63^rd were ordered from the coast to the High Hills of Santee, 96 miles to the northwest; it near Columbia some 30 miles further west. It was not until August 9^th, that Wemyss marched his troops out of Georgetown.

Cornwallis Defeats American Army. Militia Problem Refuses to Go Away

By early August, it was clear to Cornwallis that the situation in northwest South Carolina was far from secure. Rebel militias were constantly harassing his communications between outposts. But of more concern, they were forming into larger groups under men such as Thomas Sumter and William Richardson Davie. They had attacked two major outposts, Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock, defeating the second. Also, reports that a revitalized Southern American Army was marching south towards his central interior headquarters at Camden. Cornwallis decided to march his army to Camden to deal with the situation personally.

On August 16, 1780, the British army of regulars and Provincial troops (both militia and units trained and equipped as regulars) defeated the American army under Major General Horatio Gates. Also, two days later, Cornwallis unleashed his pit bull Lt. Colonel Banastre Tarleton and his Partisan Legion. In a daring surprise attack on General Thomas Sumter’s camp at Fishing Creek, the fierce dragoons cut down droves of rebel militiamen while scattering the rest to the winds. Things suddenly began to look up for Cornwallis who wrote to his superiors that he hoped soon to march to Charlotte, North Carolina to expand British influence in the south. But, as the British commander was soon to learn, the militia in the northwest was far from dispersed and would soon have a deadly new force join them; over the mountain men from what is now eastern Tennessee. And to the east, a new thorn in Cornwallis’ side begins to forge a legend.

Francis ‘Swamp Fox’ Marion Stirs up the East

Two weeks after the Battle of Camden, Francis ‘Swamp Fox Marion’s reputation as one of the greatest guerrilla warrior of the war had begun to flourish with two major ‘hit-and-run’ actions against British units. The first was a detached outfit from Wemyss’ 63^rd who had joined other regulars marching 147 American prisoners from the Camden battlefield to Charleston. On August 20^th, at Sumter’s abandoned plantation near Nelson’s Ford, Marion attacked with 52 men. Within minutes it was over. Marion had killed and captured the escort with only 10 British escaping while freeing all the American prisoners.

Within a couple of weeks and sixty miles to the northeast, at Blue Savannah near the Little Pee Dee, another larger action occurred. A newly formed militia of 250 men assembled under Major Micajah Ganey and his second, Captain Jesse Barefield. The loyalist commander had learned that Marion was in the area and marched to catch him. But Marion, with only 53 men, did one better. Rebel scouts kept Marion constantly informed on the loyalists’ movements and on the morning of September 4^th, the rebel leader struck. First against Ganey with 45 mounted militia riding in the van. In a surprised charge, Marion killed thirty and scattered the other fifteen, including Ganey, with only one wounded rebel.

Marion, with only 52 men, then hit the main body of loyalist infantry under Captain Barefield with just over 200 militia. Marion faked a confused retreat, drawing Barefield to pursue. The loyalist column soon broke down. They were strung out in disorder when they rushed into Marion’s ambush. Marion sprung the trap and rode among the foot loyalists using pistol and heavy sabers slashing in close order. The terrorized militia turned and ran. Soon a full rout drove into what was described as ‘an impassable swamp.’ Marion did not follow, knowing his job was complete as he watched the scattered militia disappear in the quagmire. Following this, word raced through the region and sixty new men rode into Marion’s camp to join him.

Wemyss Seeks Patriot Leaders and Destroys Homes of Rebel Sympathizers

Within two weeks, Marion had become a real threat to Cornwallis’ right flank. The British commander wanted this new nuisance dealt with and secure his eastern flank before he marched into North Carolina. For this task he chose Wemyss and his 63^rd; who had a detachment’s nose bloodied by Marion at Nelson’s Ford. On August 28^th, Cornwallis assigned Wemyss an independent command with orders to organize Tory militia so it could successfully combat Marion’s guerrillas. He also wrote to Wemyss that he was to march through “the country from Kingstree Bridge to Peedee, and returning by the Cheraws.” He was to remove all weapons from those he believed untrustworthy and of those he was to, “punish the Concealment of Arms and Ammunition with a total Demolition of the Plantation.”  And the most controversial, Wemyss was given free rein to hang anyone he so chose, accusing them of breaking their parole without evidence or trial.

By allowing Wemyss to destroy property at will and issue death sentences without trial, Cornwallis hoped this punishing operation would deter the population from supporting the rebellion. In this the British commander was sorely wrong. As Wemyss carried out his orders with a vengeance, the opposite occurred. Wemyss, through his brutal actions, became Marion’s greatest recruiter for the rebel cause. So too, the terror and destruction he caused titled him as the second most hated British officer in the south, behind Tarleton; which only grew over time with legendary accusations of shocking horrors.

Wemyss’ Path of Destruction, Death, and Hatred

On September 5^th, Wemyss set out toward Kingstree. His first independent command would lay waste to plantations, homes, livestock, and businesses, leaving a wide swath of desolation. From Kingstree to Cherow; seventy miles long and in places fifteen miles wide, the land smoldered in torched livelihoods – a smaller prequel to General Sherman’s Civil War March to the Sea. His first act, prior to departure, was to steal the horses of all rebel sympathizers among the planters of the High Hills and along the Santee River. With these, he was able to mount his infantry. With a large mobile force of 200 veteran regulars, augmented by 400 partisan regulars and loyalist militiamen, he set off to torch Whig homes and hang any accused parole breakers at will.

Wemyss, using intelligence acquired from Tory militiamen, began to pay particular attention to the homes and plantations of Marion’s followers. Marion, whose band of militia was not nearly large enough to stop the British, allowed his men to temporarily go home to see to their families; the partisan leader writing to General Gates that “So many of my men were desirous of seeing their wives and families which have been burnt out, that I found it necessary to retreat the next morning.” The crafty rebel commander slipped his small band of fighters over the border into North Carolina where he had not long to wait before striking again at Black Mingo Swamp, September 28, 1780.

Meanwhile, whole communities witnessed their homes, barns, and all outbuildings torched. In his zeal, Wemyss reported to Cornwallis that he had seen to the destruction of over fifty homes and plantations. In addition to homes, he burned gristmills, blacksmith shops, and loom houses. Fields were set ablaze and cattle, sheep, hogs, and all other livestock not taken for food were killed. According to legend, he torched multiple churches; however, only one is documented as being burned – that of the Presbyterian Church at Indiantown. Tory militia that accompanied Wemyss, with rebel militia in hiding were free to plunder prior to the torch.

Accordingly, wives were harassed on their porches, some with threats of harm, demanding information on their rebel husbands. Women and children were locked in rooms for days on end, without food or water, while soldiers sat nearby, waited for returning husbands. Men were wrongly accused and young boys rounded up, to be court-martialed with the penalty of death. Most of these stories may be contributed to folk lore, having never been backed up with primary source accounts. These atrocities were peculiarly similar to Legion Captain Christopher Huck’s earlier terrorist raid and the means he used to discover and chase down rebel leaders.

Tales of Wemyss’ raid grew with each telling. The British commander’s demonic romp through the countryside was a propaganda dream for those arguing amid friends to join the rebel cause. Nothing boils the blood more than a good old fashioned bad guy to point one’s finger. When British General Burgoyne used Native Americans in his 1777 invasion from Canada, the killing of Jane McCrea at native hands riled militias all over New England to join the American Army at Saratoga. And as the decades passed, the tales of callous brutality grew; especially among 19^th century authors. As to Wemyss hanging dozens of suspected rebels who broke their parole, history can only verify one; Adam Cusack (also Cusac or Cusan). Author William Dobein James, in 1821, put his spin to the lurid version of Cusack’s death:

“Adam Cusan had shot at the black servant of a tory officer, John Brockington, whom he knew, across Black creek. He was taken prisoner soon after, and for this offence, tried by a court martial, and, on the evidence of the negro, hanged. His wife and children prostrated themselves before Wemyss, on horseback, for a pardon; and he would have rode over them, had not one of his own officers prevented the foul deed; from this scene he proceeded on to superintend the execution.” Variations on this also claim that Cusack was accused and hanged only because he refused to transport British soldiers across river, angering Wemyss. But several primary sources tell us that Cusack was arrested for parole violation, that he was taken to Cherow, court martialed, and hanged. A few years after James’ book was published, Wemyss defended his actions in a private letter using the third person, common for that period.

“Altho much property was destroyed in the execution of the above orders [his August 28 orders from Cornwallis], it ever affords Col. Wemyss the greatest satisfaction on reflecting that one man only suffered death. He was a native of England, and formerly a boatswains mate in a British Man of War, from which he had deserted, and was particularly distinguished for cruelty and persecution of every Loyalist in that part of the Country. The day before he was taken, he attempted to kill an officer of the Loyal Militia on his way to join Col. Wemyss’s detachment, and took from him a valuable horse.”

But Wemyss was not the only one punishing the citizenry for their position in the war. Rebel bands torched homes and threatened communities while seeking out expected loyalists. On September 30^th, Wemyss reported to Cornwallis that Marion and other rebels were “burning houses, and distressing the well affected in a most severe manner.” Marion seemed to verify this in a letter to General Gates, but denied his hand in it writing, “I am sorry to Acquaint you that Capt. Murphy’s Party [band of rebel militia] have burnt a Great Number of houses on Little Peedee, & intend to go on in that abominable work — which I am Apprehensive May be Laid to me…”  The civil war between neighbors seemed to leave no one untouched.

By the end of September, the situation along the Peedee was becoming increasingly dangerous for Wemyss’s detachment. The countryside was too deep in rebellion to be secured by loyalist militia for rebel forays were increasing. And though Wemyss had offered pardons to rebels who surrendered themselves, the measure had had no effect. So too, traveling through wide swaths of swamps teaming with pestilence, his command had been decimated by illness. Wemyss reported all this and more to his general, then began the long march to Camden.

Attacks Sumter, Is Wounded and Captured

Wemyss arrived at Camden shortly before the rebel militia victory at the Battle of Kings Mountain, October 7, 1780. When Cornwallis received word of the disaster, eliminating his western flank of partisan fighters, he sent orders to Wemyss, who had earlier marched 100 miles west to the fort at Ninety-Six. Wemyss was told “to come down to Broad River, [backtracking about 60 miles to the east] to keep constantly moving on either side of the river he might think proper for the protection of the mills from which the army subsisted and for the preservation of the country”  That was to be the last phase of Wemyss’s career as a field officer.

On November 9th, at the Battle of Fishdam Ford, Wemyss attacked the camp of General Thomas Sumter at around 1 AM. After the Battle of Fishing Creek, where Sumter was surprised and defeated by Banestre Tarleton, it seemed the crafty militiaman learned his lesson. Sumter had his men sleep on their arms, having suspected an attack that night. When Wemyss dragoons charged, Wemyss was hit twice by musket fire and fell wounded. The dragoons were beat back. When the infantry charged, the rebel campfires illuminated them making them easy targets in which several were killed and wounded. Even a bayonet charge by the regulars was ineffective in the fierce fire the redcoats received. After twenty minutes it was over. Wemyss was taken to a home along with the other wounded where he and other officers gave their parole to Sumter. As was the custom, the rebel commander left the officers and marched off with rank-and-file prisoners.

Cornwallis later wrote of Wemyss’ injury that “out of five shots which were fired from the picket, one broke Wemyss’ arm, and another his knee.” Wemyss almost certainly was lame for the rest of his life. He may also have lost the use of one arm.

Exchanged, But Unfit for Field Duty

By December 3, 1780, Cornwallis wrote that “Major Wemyss is going to Charleston and is in a fair way of recovery.” Because of his wounds, he was unfit for field duty. On January 4, 1781, he reported that he was still a prisoner, but was almost well. He was probably exchanged sometime during January and towards the end of the month, fit for travel. He was sent to New York with dispatches and the unfortunate news of the British loss at Cowpens, January 17, 1781. According to a Hessian officer in New York City, “Major Wemyss of the 63^rd Regiment, who has come here to recover from his wounds…” Wemyss remained in New York until May of 1781 whereas General Clinton sent him to England with dispatches and to finish convalescing.

Wemyss arrived in London on June 28^th and presumedly left for Scotland shortly after. He arrived tragically to witness the death of his wife Rachael on August 1^st. Wemyss remained in Scotland for the remainder of the year and in April of 1782, returned to New York carrying dispatches that included the recall of General Clinton as commander of British Forces in America.

Sir Guy Carleton, who had been Governor General in Canada, arrived to assume command in May and appointed Wemyss as Deputy Adjutant General. He was then sent to Charleston to head up the Attorney General’s southern department. Wemyss remained at his duties which was mainly consolidating British forces along the coast from the remaining outposts. He assisted in the general evacuation of Charleston and all southern forces, returning to New York on January 12, 1783.

After finally receiving a promotion to Lt. Colonel and formal command of the 63^rd, though having acted as the unit’s leader for the past decade, he shortly returned to England. Because of poor health, and very bitter over all the years watching inferior and junior officers promoted over him, he sold his commission on July 31, 1789 and returned to Scotland to live out his days.

Last Years and Death

Wemyss remarried, but his stay in Scotland would end. His financial affairs worsened and sometime between 1795 and 1799, he and his wife emigrated to America. They settled on a small farm in Huntington, Long Island, about forty miles from New York City. He lived the last thirty years in mostly obscurity while etching out a meager living, enhanced by a British military pension in 1825. During this period, he penned a document; a diatribe that was blunt and condemnatory assessments of the performance of his superiors in the military that has been considered mostly ‘sour grapes.’  In 1832 he suffered a stroke, depriving him the use of his left side. He died on December 16, 1833, aged 85, and was buried at the Old Burial Hill Cemetery, Huntington, Long Island.

IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO READ MORE ON THE WAR IN THE SOUTH, CHECK OUT THESE GREAT BOOKS ON AMAZON

OF SIMILAR INTEREST ON REVOLUTIONARY WAR JOURNAL

Road to Camden: The Southern War of the American Revolution

American Revolution: In the South, Not a War for Liberty, But a Brutal Civil War

Southern Militia in the American Revolution

Huck’s Defeat

SOURCE

Buchanan, John. The Road to Guilford Courthouse: The American Revolution in the Carolinas.  1997: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., New York, NY.

James, William Dobein. General Francis Marion And His Guerilla Fighters Of The American Revolution. 1821: Gould & Riley, Charleston, South Carolina.

Lost History, Friends, Comrades and Enemies, “James Wemyss” 

Pearson, Jesse Major. “The Failure of British Strategy During the Southern Campaign of the American Revolutionary War, 1780-81”  1993: Master Thesis, University of Pittsburg, Pittsburg, PA.  

Procknow, Gene  “The Harshest Critic: Major James Wemyss.” May 3, 2019.

Purvis, Randy V.  “Major James Wemyss: Second Most Hated British Officer in the South”  2018: Journal of the American Revolution.