General Moses Hazen of The Infernals: Ruthless and Fierce, He Was Just the Man Washington Needed

Colonel Moses Hazen demanded respect and total commitment from his men and he got it. He also expected them to fight like demons and so too, they never let him down. His regiment, a Foreign Legion of Canadians, Americans, Rangers, and hodgepodge of foreign fighters, for seven long years, suffered among the highest casualties of any American unit in the war and became Washington’s elite force. Like Napoleon’s Immortals, they became The Infernals, named affectionately for their courage and fiery passion in battle. But as a man, Moses plowed through his life having never looked back. In his path were strewn the remains of lost friendships, financial fortunes, ruined business ventures with countless litigations resulting in loss of land, and debtors’ prison. Hazen spent his life with blinders firmly in place, whose self-worth guided all decisions, decisions when once taken, never strayed. In war, especially as a captain in the famed Rogers’ Rangers of backwoods warriors, he was accused of savage killings that reflected man’s worst barbarism. Captives had been shown no mercy as he and his men carried their victim’s scalps like totems. Even on one recorded occasion, in the heat of battle, women and children had been killed.

But it was as a military leader during the birth of a new nation that he made his mark in history in which a new nation would forever be grateful. Fierce in battle, he expected the same from his men, pushing them to give their all. He was dedicated to his regiment’s needs, constantly demanding proper provisions from his superiors and after the war, seeing his men were taken care of, especially the Canadians in his command who had lost everything. His was among the very first in the Continental Army to include a formal light infantry company, proven to be among the best of the best. His regiment became the backbone of the army who, in battle and countless skirmishes, attacked with ruthlessness and held the line. At Brandywine Creek, Hazen’s men faced the crush of Howe’s main army. Though grossly outnumbered, more than three to one, and with other regiments fleeing the field, he and his Infernals stood firm, giving Washington time to regroup. An army that had faced the hardships of war with little provisions and no pay often gave up and went home. Hazen reported in 1779 that only one of his men had deserted. By war’s end, nearly all of those who had survived the rigors of combat remained at his side.

Historian and Hazen biographer, Allan Everest, best summed up this American who immigrated to Canada writing that “as a soldier, Moses Hazen displayed extraordinary leadership qualities. A combative man, he was happiest in action. Courageous and impetuous, he was also throughout his life restless, frustrated by obstacles, stubborn, and hypersensitive about his honor…” In 1790, Secretary of War Henry Knox referred to Moses as “the unfortunate Hazen… nature has marked him with an obstinate a temper as ever afflicted humanity.” Everest also wrote that “Hazen was a man driven by the need to be in motion, but he never established a sense of direction.”

In an age where honor took president among all things, Hazen shattered the adage, ‘less is more.’ While an officer in the Continental Army, he penned countless and exhausting, almost daily correspondence to his superiors and Congress, page after rambling page. Embroiled in controversies his entire life with incendiary outbursts among peers, he often whittled relationships to the point of destruction. He was so sure of himself that he had no patience for disagreement, regardless of the facts. In the heat of battles, when all hell was breaking loose, such firmly set self-assurance paved the way for victory.

Scruples be damned, Moses did what he thought was right and took a stand based on what he believed was best for all, most especially himself. Like one of his mortal enemies, Benedict Arnold, he pushed the boundaries to ruin, proving to be his worst enemy. But like so many of the great American military leaders, such as Arnold, Grant, and Patton, he was a driving force of explosive ambiguity, displaying incredible courage under fire, holding firm against all odds, and of ceaseless energy. Hazen reveled and flourished in war’s brutality and afterward, tried to carry his predatory nature into civilian life with land grabs and countless court battles. It was all of these factors, good or bad, that contributed to Hazen’s personality and the ultimate success of an army in rebellion. He gave so much, from the opening shots of the war to the very end at Newbury, New York when his regiment disbanded, that within three years, he would suffer a severe and debilitating stroke. He was of the mold that stood strong before all odds, before all obsticles, and remained true to the very end. Washington counted on such men to build his army upon, and so too a new nation. Again, for all Moses’ foibles, we must remain grateful for his determination and sacrifice.  The right man at the right time.

Early Life

According to early biographers, Moses Hazen was born to a Jewish family. However, according to historian Everest, recent genealogist documents question this, linking Hazen’s lineage to England, where the family name was Hassen. Moses’ great great grandfather, Edward Hassen, arrived at Rowling, Massachusetts from England in the mid 1640’s. The third of six children, Moses was born in Haverhill, Massachusetts on June 1, 1733, his father having settled there from Rowling. His parents were Moses Hazen (May 17, 1701 – c. 1750) and Abigail White (Oct. 21, 1709 – Dec. 1792). Moses’ father, Moses Sr., by the time of his early death, was a prosperous man, owning two slaves.

It is known that he and his partner had built an extensive wharf on the Merrimack River and were quite successful in shipping. His siblings were Abigail, born in 1728 to be followed by John, then Moses, Anna, William, and Sarah in 1740. As a teenager, Moses was apprenticed to a tanner and practiced that trade briefly. Outside of that, little is recorded of Moses’ early life until he enlisted to fight in the Seven Years War, or as labeled in America, The French & Indian War.

French & Indian War

For Moses, serving as an officer in Rogers’ Rangers Corps, first as a lieutenant and later captain, proved to be the highlight of his life. He was young, aggressive, and with ceaseless energy. He excelled in leading men and gained their respect and confidence. Time and again he proved himself ruthless in battle and courageous under fire to the point of carelessness. His superiors took notice and often commented on his daring feats of prowess against the enemy. One of, if not the finest officer in the British Army, General James Wolfe, spoke so highly of Hazen that of all of Rogers’ captains and companies, he chose Hazen for special assignments. Hazen was his ‘go to’ favorite Ranger who accepted every and every assignment and ‘got the job done.’

Historian Francis Parkman wrote that Moses first served under Lt. Col. Robert Monckton at Fort Beausejour (near Sackville, New Brunswick). However, Everest wrote that he joined Colonel Richard Saltonstall’s Provincial Regiment in 1756 and was in his uncle Captain Edmond Mooers’ company. Records show he mustered at Fort Edward in July and was listed as a tanner. Later that year in October, he was at Fort William Henry and Lac Saint-Sacrement or Lake George, NY. It is there that he first met Captain Robert Rogers and no doubt was influenced by his enigmatic personality. Hazen spent his first year during the war mainly repairing forts and in the late fall, returned home to Haverhill, Mass., to spend the winter months.

Moses did not see any action in 1757. Still on the rolls, he remained mostly at Haverhill, Mass., engaged in shipping provisions and supplies to Halifax for the British buildup that would lay siege to the French fortress at Louisbourg, Nova Scotia. He had made trips to Halifax, but by year’s end, he was home to winter once more in Haverhill. In 1758, at age twenty-four, his life changed for good. He would discover his two passions that would carry him through life and ultimately into ruin, soldiering and commerce. England was finally convinced that a war in America required a different approach than that of European battlefield tactics. Colonial provincials gained a new respect, especially the special unit formed by Robert Rogers who specialized in wilderness and guerilla ‘hit and run’ tactics. His regiment of frontiersmen learned to stalk and fight like French voyagers and Native Americans, so too adopting the ruthless and brutal practice of killing all captives, including the gruesome act of taking scalps. In 1758, Rogers would be given a Major’s commission and ordered to raise six companies of six hundred rangers to aid in the attack on Louisbourg. The rangers actively recruited throughout New England and Moses eagerly signed on April 7, 1758 as first lieutenant in Captain John McCurdy’s company.

The rangers sailed for Halifax on May 21^st, 1758, arriving on June 8. General Wolfe constantly utilized the Rangers unique talents of raiding and destroying supplies while gathering prisoners to gather intelligence. The siege lasted seven weeks and the French fortress at Louisbourg recapitulated on July 26, 1758, however the fight was not over. The Arcadians throughout Nova Scotia actively continued to battle the British invaders. The Rangers were put to work in mopping up operations, attacking and destroying villages and communities as they strove to destroy all Arcadian resistance. Hazen would remain with his outfit at Fort Frederick (St. John, N.B.), at the mouth of Moncton River, and winter in and around New Brunswick. In January, an incident catapulted Hazen to his first formal command. A tree was cut and accidentally fell on Captain McCurdy, killing him instantly. Temporary command was given to Hazen. In February, an event took place that proved Hazen’s worth as a leader, convinced his superiors to promote Hazen to captain, but also highlighted his ruthless and barbaric acceptance of all out warfare.

In February 1758, Hazen led a party of his company up the Moncton River to Fort Anne. There he burned the large settlement of 147 homes including barns and grain. During his retreat back down the river, Hazen and his men were pursued by a large French and Indian force. While in route, he attacked a small settlement (Grimross). The inhabitants tried to escape into the woods. Several got away and six men surrendered. Hazen immediately ordered them killed and scalped. Four additional men, two women and three children were brought back to the settlement. Here Hazen demonstrated his full acceptance of war’s horrors and wilderness barbarism. He had the men, women, and children placed in a bolted building that was put to the torch, killing them and their livestock. Upon his return to Fort Fredrickson, Hazen was commended for his actions at Fort Anne and General Jeffrey Amherst approved of his commission as permanent captain of his Ranger company. However, Amherst would later remorse writing, “Major Morris sent me the particulars of the scouting party and I gave a commission of Captain to Lt. Hazen as I thought he deserved it. I am sorry to say I shall always disapprove of killing women and helpless children. Poor McCurdy is a loss, he was a good man in his post.”

In May, 1759, Hazen and three other companies of Rangers left Louisbourg for Quebec City which was next to be attacked. At that time, Hazen had three officers and eighty-six men under his command. Hazen’s men soon became Wolfe’s favorite Ranger company, the general writing he would go to Hazen “on account of his conduct and gallantry.” From June 27 to Sept. 13, Quebec held out during Wolfe’s siege. Interestingly, besides the many raids and attacks to gain prisoners, disrupt supplies, and gain information, Hazen’s men became known as ‘cowboys’, perhaps the first use of the term, for the cattle they drove along the St. Lawrence to supply the British army. Hazen’s men would perform over twenty operations in and around Quebec during the siege, killing the enemy, taking scalps, and bringing in prisoners. Once again, he and or his men were involved in a brutal and controversial act of war’s inhumanity as often practiced by Rogers’ men. At St. Joachim, thirty parishioners, including a priest, had been surrounded in a house. After a brief resistance, the men surrendered. They were immediately ordered killed in cold blood and scalped by the commanding Ranger officer, Captain Montgomery. Hazen’s men took part and though there is no account of Hazen being present during the killing, it would be odd that his men would be there and he not. On Sept. 13, 1759, during the Battle of Quebec or Plains of Abraham, Hazen was on another mission and missed the battle in which both the French Marquis de Montcalm and General Wolfe would be killed.

As the partisan war continued throughout Canada, Hazen’s fame grew, known for his bravery and boldness to volunteer for every operation, no matter its possible consequences. Hazen’s new commander, General James Murray, commented that he had seen so much “bravery and good conduct” in Hazen “as would justly entitle him to every military reward he could ask or demand.” During the winter of 1759 – 1760, he and his men wintered in the Quebec region and conducted a winter campaign against French forces and their Native American allies. On April 28, 1760, Moses Hazen’s career as an able-bodied fighter with Rogers’ Rangers came to an end. The French General Chevalier de Lewis drew his forces towards Quebec and the British commander, General James Murray, sallied from the fortress to meet him at Sainte-Foy, a suburb of the city. Murray’s superior artillery was bogged down in the melting snow and mud and could not be brought to bear. The battle resulted in the second largest number of casualties in the war. Murray was defeated and drew back to Quebec, to wait out an expected siege. During the battle, Hazen and his regiment were in the thick of the fight. Hazen was badly wounded in the thigh and was helped back to the city. He would convalesce in Quebec City for the remainder of the year’s actions that resulted in the French loss of Montreal that basically ended hostilities.

In 1761, Hazen was well enough to have left Canada and was in Albany, requesting for another command with the Rangers. He was denied; however, he was recognized for his previous record as a soldier and on February, 21, 1761, was allowed the rare occasion for a provincial to purchase a commission in the British Army. He paid 800 guineas for a lieutenant’s commission in the 44^th Regiment of Foot – equivalent to $3,600 dollars (1790 rate of exchange). As such, he was assigned garrison duty in Montreal for the remainder of the war which saw no further action. In 1763, with peace in the offering, the 44^th was reduced to nine companies and Hazen chose to keep his commission, but retire at half pay for life.

Between Wars

At war’s end, Hazen, now an officer on half pay in the British army, settled at Montreal. In 1765, Governor of Quebec, James Murray, for whom Hazen served during the war, appointed him a justice of the peace. With a burst of energy, he began to actively acquire land for settlement and speculation. He also obtained shares of land in towns in New Hampshire and the New Hampshire Grants (later Vermont) – in what was known as Moortown (the future Bradford, Vermont). In 1764, he and other British soldiers, including his former commander Robert Rogers, formed a company later known as the St. John River Society, to acquire large tracts of land in the St. John Valley (New Brunswick). That same year, he and another and current officer in the 44^th Foot, Lt. Colonel Gabriel Christie, jointly purchased the seigneuries of Sabrevois and Bleury on the east bank of the Richelieu River and 5 farms on the site of St. Jean where the French had built a fort and was now garrisoned by the British. (Seigneuries were held over from the feudal system with a Lord of the Manor overseeing his properties while tenants worked the land for a portion of their proceeds.)

Christie had been blessed with a wealthy heritage in England and applied himself to create his own royal empire in Canada. He had been with Wolfe at Quebec where he had first met Hazen. After the battle, he was breveted to major and over the years, eventually gained the title of Lt. General of all military forces in Quebec the year before his death in 1799. His military duties demanded he spend a great deal of time at other posts, including a long stretch in the West Indies during the American Revolution. He had little time to see to the daily needs of his growing number of seigneuries and had sought a partner take over that role. His relationship with Hazen was just the thing. At half pay, Moses was not subjected to postings that took him from home. He had ceaseless energy and applied himself to every task like a demon. At first the relationship worked very well for both men, but over the years, it had soured.

Hazen and Christie had basically become masters of the rich upper Richelieu Valley. Christie provided most of the capital and because of his long periods of absence, Hazen continued to strenuously develop their holdings – clearing lands, settling tenants, building two sawmills, and erecting a large, two story manor house at Iberville. In doing so, he always kept a close eye on his own holdings and financial future and did not hesitate to skim off the top while taking risks during his numerous business dealings. Hazen also invested heavily in timber. In 1765, as deputy surveyor of the king’s woods, he signed an agreement to supply masts for the British navy. He habitually cut timber on land that was not his and often became imbedded in legal cases, something that would haunt and pursue him his entire life, right up until the week of his death. His desire to do as he damn well pleased did not stop with commerce and business dealings, but so too moral issues. In 1766, he was brought to court for “villainously seducing” a local merchant’s wife. Joseph Kelly of St. Jean accused Hazen and sought reprisals through the media and government. Reportedly, Hazen used his influence to have Kelly falsely imprisoned in Quebec for non-existent debt when the husband had arrived to see justice against Hazen.

By 1766, Hazen’s partner, Christie, had caught onto his fast-moving, ambitious partner’s questionable schemes which had incurred large debts, including borrowing £ 2,000 from Hazen’s brother William in New Brunswick. By 1770, Christie had enough and the partnership broke up. It was the first of many legal battles between the two men that would last up to and long after the American Revolution was over. At the end of this first round of court decisions, Hazen received land in and around Fort St. Johns, a nearby farm, the seigneury Bleury, and the large manor he had built with Christie’s money and extended loans. Much of this land including livestock were soon for sale at a sheriffs’ auctions to settle unpaid debts. He continued to try and enlarge his own seigneuries and petitioned for large tracts of land, which by then, Governor General Guy Carleton refused. This was also the year, 1770, that Hazen formed a bond he would keep for life. On Dec. 5^th, in Montreal, he married Charlotte de La Saussaye (born La Saussee 1735 in France – Feb. 28, 1827 at Albany, NY). She was Roman Catholic and from a respectable family, however little has passed down in history as to her heritage. After their marriage, Hazen spent the next five years pulling back from many of his questionable business dealings and devoted his energies to farming in which he was more successful. There were fewer lawsuits and by the time the colonial rebellion to the south seeped north, outside a few more sheriff sales for unpaid debts, he owned his land and was considered prosperous.

Had there been no conflict, most likely Hazen would have lived the rest of his life in content and prosperity. The American Revolution changed all that. It fired up old passions, consumed every ounce of his energy, and once again, he found himself spinning in a whirlwind of litigation and accusations. His home and land would become a battleground between opposing forces. All his holdings in Canada would be destroyed or confiscated. And after nearly eight years of having embroiled himself in several battles and countless skirmishes, commanding a regiment and then brigade, traipsing all over the colonies from one campaign to the next, his body gave out. Just three years after the American Revolution ended, he suffered a severe stroke, incapacitating him for the remainder twenty years of his life.

Canadians Did Not Flock to the American Banner

From the open broadside of hostilities between the ‘rebels’ and British forces in 1775, the American Congress became obsessed to gain Quebec, the fourteenth colony, within their fold either by diplomatic means or by force. Americans convinced themselves that the Canadians held the same passions close to heart that spurred revolt throughout the lower thirteen colonies. They were soon to be proven wrong. Governor General of Quebec, Guy Carleton, by a stroke of pure genius, lobbied for and convinced his peers in England to pass the Quebec Act of 1774. The result kept French speaking, predominantly Catholic Quebec firmly within the Crown’s skirts of influence. Quebec was the fourteenth British colony in America and because it had been settled by mainly French, it was predominantly Catholic. As such, Catholics had the rights and freedoms of their Frenchmen in Europe and practiced their religion without fear of retributions or limitations. This was not so in the lower thirteen colonies that had been mainly settled by British. Protestants were the majority and Catholics were subjected to limitations in both religion and government and often faced open hostility. This was most particularly among New England’s puritans whose forefathers, ironically, had settled the religion to escape religious persecution.

When Protestant England obtained France after the Seven Year’s War (French & Indian War in America), there was fear throughout Quebec that their previous rights under France would be in jeopardy. They were correct. After the 1763 peace agreement, England began to treat Catholics as they had throughout American, however this is where Carleton stepped in.

With the Quebec Act of 1774, England would recognize the expanding rights of Catholics within the English government in Canada. The act restored many of the province’s traditions under their former French government. It accepted the French language, provided roles for Canadiens in a governing council, and reestablished French Civil Law. The Roman Catholic Church was fully accepted within the province, which could be viewed as a benchmark “in the history of religious liberty.” The act also secured the far western fur trade territories far beyond the province’s borders. For a catholic and French Canadian, it was everything they could hope for. Why would they throw in their lot with the predominantly protestant Americans whose laws and actions throughout New England continued to be blatantly anti-Catholic? Though there were elements of discourse in Quebec over England’s strong-arming American finances and closing ports as well as levying additional revenue to help pay for the previous French & Indian War, Canadians as a whole were comfortable under English governance. They were primarily focused on provincial affairs which included more rights to its mainly catholic citizenry. As such, any incursion by protestant former British subjects onto Canadian soil, was viewed as an invasion and much of the Canadian citizenry rallied behind their British government. By the time Congress launched its invasion of Canada, it was already too late to find many discontented Canadians to join in the fray.

By the summer of 1775, diplomacy was discarded and force became the overriding factor to convince the Canadians to join their southern brethren’s rebellious intentions against British rule. Congress approved of a two-prong invasion, one directly against Quebec through Maine headed by a colonial seaman, Colonel Benedict Arnold, and the other spearheading north over Lake Champlain and the Richelieu River to Montreal to be led by former British officer General Richard Montgomery, including the commander of the northern army, General Philip Schuyler. It would be Montgomery’s push north up Lake Champlain and into the Richelieu River region and over Hazen’s land which drew the now industrious farmer into the thick of things.

Vacillates on Loyalty. Imprisoned by both Americans and British

As a former British officer of the 44^th Regiment of Foot enjoying early retirement at half pay, in principal, Hazen was already committed to support the British. His superiors would naturally expect such and indeed, General Carleton would offer to restore Hazen’s full commission in the British army. When the Americans initiated their invasion of Canada in the fall of 1775, Hazen at first offered his services to England. Alarmed by open rebellion in the south which was spiraling towards hostilities, Hazen worried how it would affect his land holdings along the Richelieu River, a route any invading American force would have to take. In Feb. 1775, he visited Governor General Guy Carleton at Quebec. Carleton, who had once described Hazen as a brave and experienced officer and recommended him for a full commission in the regular army, took advantage of his services. In March, Carlton entrusted Hazen to travel to Boston and deliver dispatches to Lt. General Thomas Gage, commander of British Forces in North America. Hazen returned home to the St. John region and Richelieu River Valley, which included the former French Fort St. Jean, garrisoned by British troops, and kept a close eye on affairs south. In April, 1775, the first serious contest between rebel and British forces resulted in the Battle of Lexington and Concord. Less than a month later, on May 10^th, Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold captured Fort Ticonderoga on the southern end of Lake Champlain. The next day they took the nearby fort at Crown Point. The war was moving closer to Hazen’s small empire.

Arnold soon after captured some British bateaux and merchant ships at Skenesboro, southern tip of Lake Champlain. There he heard of a British warship anchored at St. Jean on the Richelieu River in Canada. That ship and the supplies at the fort was too tempting. He converted the ships they confiscated at Skenesboro and along with fifty of his men, sailed north on Lake Champlain to the Richelieu River. It was a race with Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain Boys who also favored the stash at Ft. Jean, particularly the rum. Arnold arrived first on May 17^th and that night, attacked the garrison at St. Jean. He took all the supplies they could load in the boats and sunk the HMS Royal George, a seventy-ton sloop. Hazen observed Arnold’s actions and immediately rode to Montreal to report. He then carried on to Quebec City where, on May 20^th, he reported that Ticonderoga had been taken including Crown Point and the details of the raid at St. Jean. Carleton was thankful for Moses’ information and immediately dispatched Major Charles Preston with 140 regulars to reinforce St. Jean.

Hazen spent the summer of 1775 at home on the Richelieu River contemplating the coming war. After Arnold’s raid on St. Jean, Moses knew that the opposing forces would be drawn up on his land and he would be forced to choose sides. His decision would not depend on supporting some patriotic cause or of any devotion to his former career with the British military, but solely on his purse and how he could retain his properties in whole. In other words, he would pledge his loyalties to whatever side appeared to have the upper hand and prospect of eventual victory. He continued to use his connections to keep a close eye on the American buildup to the south and that summer learned of the planned invasion of Canada. By then Carleton, who had arrived in Montreal on May 26 to supervise the British defense, had reinforced the Forts along the Richelieu River, particularly Maj. Preston at Ft. St. Jean (or St. Johns) who now had over six hundred regulars in his command. As American General Montgomery moved north up Lake Champlain to attack the garrison at Ft. Jean, Carleton authorized Hazen to raise troops to join Preston at the fort. Knowing his lands were at stake and still undecided, Hazen chose not to report to Preston, but instead met with the American commander General Schuyler. That decision would set the course for the rest of his life.

On September 6^th, Schuyler and Montgomery landed forces about a mile upstream from Ft. St. Jean. Montgomery led a force of men into the swampy land north to reconnoiter and was attacked by a large number of Native Americans. After a heated exchange with casualties on both sides, the Americans retreated out of cannon range and erected a barricade. It is believed that shortly after, Moses Hazen met with Schuyler. He painted a bleak picture for the Americans. He said the fort was strongly defended by the 26^th regiment and one hundred Native Americans. He went on to describe the defenses and that the fort was well stocked for a long siege. He also stated quite accurately that the local population, while friendly to the invaders, were unlikely to help in both supplies and manpower. That would only change if the prospect for victory looked good, which presently did not. Schuyler held a war council on the 7^th and decided to withdraw to the Ile-aux-Noix where the Americans had established a camp. However, on Sept. 8^th, Schuyler changed his mind and decided to stay. He did so after another local, American James Livingston portrayed a much better portrait of Canadians rising in mas to the American cause. Livingston had a sympathetic ear for he was a relative of Montgomery’s wife and son of a wealthy New York City family, and who had established a mill at Fort Chambly to the north. To prove his point, Livingston had begun to raise a regiment of Canadian militia to fight with the Americans. Also helpful in Schuyler’s decision to remain, reinforcements under Connecticut General David Wooster along with some artillery, began to arrive.

Partly because of Livingston’s cheery description and the fact that he was able to garnish three hundred Canadians to follow him, Hazen’s opinion was questioned and his loyalties were under suspicion. Since Moses remained a British officer on half pay, the Americans decided to place him under arrest. While he was being transported, the escort released him when a superior British force approached. However, since Hazen had not reported to Major Preston as ordered by Carleton, but met with the enemy instead, Preston sent him on to Montreal. There, Carleton had Moses promptly arrested and he spent the next several weeks in squalid conditions in a dismal jail. Continued setbacks and a long and prolonged siege of St. Jean that lasted nearly two months ultimately delayed the taking of Montreal and helped cause the eventual disastrous mid-winter attack on Quebec City. The garrison surrendered on November 3^rd and on Nov. 11^th, Carleton abandoned Montreal. He fled for Quebec City and took Hazen with him. Nearly being captured, Carleton abandoned Hazen and reached Quebec safely. Having suffered a harsh treatment in a British goal, and seeing the American army’s gradual success in reducing forts along the Richelieu and taking Montreal, Hazen made his decision. He would whole-heartedly join the Americans in their invasion of Canada and threw in his lot with Montgomery as he moved down the St. Lawrence River to attack Quebec City.

Accepts Command of the 2^nd Canadian Regiment or “Congress’ Own”

After an ineffectual siege, Montgomery and Arnold combined to attack Quebec on December 31, 1775. Though ill prepared to assault the town and fortress, they had to act soon for a large portion of their men’s enlistments would be up at the end of the year. The attack failed with Montgomery’s death and Arnold suffering a bullet to the thigh. Hazen and Edward Antill (an American resident of Quebec who had been expelled by Carleton and joined with the Americans) were sent by Arnold to Philadelphia to report on Montgomery’s death and the failed attempt including Arnold’s request for reinforcements. Among the three thousand additional troops Congress would send north to progress the Canadian invasion, it was decided to raise two Canadian regiments of 1,000 men each. On Nov. 10, 1775, Congress had already authorized General Schuyler to recruit and organize a Canadian battalion. By December 23, 1775, Colonel Livingston had in his command approximately 200 Canadians who had been recruited by Ethan Allen before Allen was captured trying to take Montreal. Livingston would be commissioned to lead the 1^st Canadian Regiment. Though Arnold had another in mind to command the 2^nd Canadian regiment, while in Philadelphia, Moses, one with high energy and no stranger to selling himself or ideas, pushed to lead the second regiment. He succeeded and on January 20, 1776, Colonel Moses Hazen, with Lt. Colonel Edward Antill as his second, was authorized to raise his regiment. Moses accepted only after a guarantee that his half pay would be compensated and assurances that his Canadian property would not be confiscated. Moses would spend the rest of his life, right to his death, trying to collect on this promise by Congress.

These two Canadian regiments would not be part of any state quota and were manned by officers directly under the auspices of Congress. Congress would also be responsible for all provisions. Therefore, unlike other provincial and state regiments, who could also count on their state to help foot the bill for food and supplies, the Canadians could only look to Congress. As such, the regiments acquired the formally adopted nickname of “Congress’ Own.” Initially, they were formed from sympathetic Canadians hailing from Montreal, Quebec and Acadia. However, as the war progressed, they were augmented with rangers from other units and men recruited from New England, Pennsylvania, and to a large extent, Maryland.

Moses Hazen returned north to an anti-American environment, determined to raise a regiment of Canadians to fight alongside their southern colonies. He had to find men who were willing to risk giving up their homes and all they owned by joining forces with the invading rebels from the south. Both regiments fell far short of their goal of filling the ranks with discontented Canadians. Livingston was only able to obtain 150 men and would never have more than 200 at any one time until they merged with the 2^nd Canadian in 1781. Hazen did slightly better at first, offering 40 livres for enlistment, however his numbers fell off. Hazen contributed it to “bad behavior” by American troops and payment of paper money including certificates that the quartermaster refused to redeem. By the end of Feb, 1776, he had 150 soldiers. A month later, he only had 250 of the authorized 1,000.

American Retreat from Canada, May – July, 1776. Run in with Benedict Arnold

Shortly after their failed attempt on the fortress, Arnold established a siege of Quebec City. It became mainly a waiting game as the forces Arnold was left with were so cut up and worn down that he could only man the lines and lob a few shells at the fortress’ walls. After English reinforcements arrived by ship in early May, 1776, and drove the Americans back towards Montreal, Congress acted. Additional troops were sent north as well as a hastened mission to Montreal by three Congressmen to try and garnish Canadian support. It was headed by none other than Benjamin Franklin. The elderly statesman made the arduous journey from Philadelphia and it would prove to be a wasted effort. General David Wooster, a feral anti-Catholic New Englander, commanded Montreal. By his draconic orders to close all Catholic Churches and levy heavy taxes on the citizenry, without their representation, something ironically and vehemently pointed out to Franklin, Wooster destroyed any hope the Committee had to gain Canadian support to the American side. Though the Americans were reinforced and made an attempt to stem the British tide moving up the St. Lawrence, the rebels proved no match for tested British steel and were forced to retreat.

Benedict Arnold and Moses Hazen were both ambitious, aggressive, mercenary in business, and quick to take offense if they believed their honor was at stake. Like similar poles, they soon repelled and despised each other to became sworn enemies. In late March, 1776, Hazen took command of Montreal when Wooster was ordered to replace Benedict Arnold before Quebec (Wooster would soon be sent back south and Gen. John Thomas would take his place and later Gen. John Sullivan after Thomas succumbed to small pox on June 2, 1776.) There were reports of a buildup of British and Native American forces just to the southwest of Montreal at a place called Les Cedres (The Cedars). Hazen took steps to garrison the town and vicinity and sent Colonel Timothy Bedel’s regiment of New Hampshire. Bedel was sick and would remain behind. (Hazen would later work with Bedel to cut a road through Vermont for a future, hopeful invasion of Canada). After Arnold took over Montreal in early April, he approved of the move, calling Hazen “a sensible judicious officer, and well acquainted with this country.” On May 19^th, the garrison was confronted by a similar force of British and Native Americans and they surrendered. The next day, May 20^th, a rescue detachment was attacked and captured. There were some American casualties, however some were later tortured to death and threats were made towards the other captives.

On May 26^th, Arnold wanted to cross the Ottawa River at dawn and attack the natives and British holding the Americans. Hazen argued that because of his “long experience with the Indian character,” he was certain they would not be surprised by such an attack and would quickly kill their American captives. Veterans of the previous war, like Colonel John Phillip De Haas of the 1^st Pennsylvania, supported Hazen’s view. Arnold became highly irritated when the council of officers agreed not to attack. Captain James Wilkinson noted that “Some reproachful language . . . passed between Arnold and Hazen.” Arnold worked out an exchange for the men, however this was the first dent in Arnold’s and Hazen’s relationship.

Arnold, eager to be rid of Hazen, sent him to command the garrisons at both Chambly and St. Jean (St. Johns), both on the Richelieu River. While there, Hazen was ordered to prepare the American line of retreat along the Richelieu Valley, where he held large tracts of land and knew the area well. He and Arnold would clash again, this time the men were focused on monetary issues while the Americans were in a full-blown retreat from the enemy. Arnold had seized a good deal of merchandise from the residents of Montreal. He decided to ship them south and entrusted the goods to a Major Scott (Captain John Bud Scott of Colonel Maxwell’s 2^nd New Jersey who went by his militia rank of Major) for transport to Fort Chambly where Hazen was in command. Arnold wrote Maj. General Philip Schuyler on June 13^th that “Colonel Hazen refused taking the goods into store, or taking charge of them; they were heaped in piles on the banks of the river…” It was reported Hazen placed guards on the goods, however according to Arnold they were “neglected in such a manner that a great part was stolen or plundered.” Arnold’s mood, having lost merchandise worth a great deal, only worsened. He wrote to General Sullivan in June, commander of the forces in retreat that “…This is not the first or last order Colonel Hazen has disobeyed. I think him a man of too much consequence for the post he is in…”

By early June, General Sullivan arrived from Boston. Approximately 2,000 additional fresh troops also made the journey north, many Continental Soldiers and among the best the rebels had fielded so far in the war. Hazen wrote to Sullivan offering the newly arrived general advice: “Do not rely on any real assistance from the Canadians whom you are collecting together. I know them well; be assured that, in our present situation, they will leave us in the hour of difficulty… What are we to expect from a handful of such men, against the well-known best troops in the world?” On June 8^th, at the Battle of Trois Rivieres (Three Rivers), the Americans were led astray and into thick swamps by Canadian guides and were soundly defeated by the British. Their best troops smashed, over the next weeks, the retreat once more became a rout. Hazen’s men began their retreat from Canada on June 17^th.

By early July, Hazen brought up the rear guard of the retreating American Army and reached Crown Point on Lake Champlain, just north of Fort Ticonderoga. Arnold immediately had him arrested. The charge was disobeying orders and neglecting merchandise seized in Montreal. Though Arnold was busy trying to build a fleet to counter General Carleton’s expected invasion down Lake Champlain, he had time to pursue a court-martial against Hazen. Interestingly, the president of Hazen’s court-martial was none other than Major Scott, the same Major Scott who Arnold had entrusted the seized goods and who now claimed that Hazen was at fault for their disappearance. It appeared that several within the jury smelt something of a scam and several of the officers already had issues with Arnold’s notorious temper. Arnold became furious at times and lashed out at the jury, causing the officers to request from Commanding General Horatio Gates an apology by Arnold, who of course refused. On Sept. 2^nd, Gates cleared Hazen of all charges. For Arnold and Gates, this was the beginning of a volatile relationship that reached its climax at Saratoga. By the time the Americans pulled back to Crown Point and Fort Ticonderoga, of Hazen’s original 477 Canadians who he claimed were in his regiment, only 175 followed him into America.

Ordered to Albany then South to the Hudson Valley Highlands. 1776-1777 Winters at Fishkill, NY

Hazen’s regiment was one of the few within the Continental Army to remain fully intact for the entire war. In the early stages of the war, the army was mostly untested militia.  By the end of 1776, each state was to provide a quota of regular troops to augment the many militia regiments. An entire reorganization of new recruits and regimental numbers was initiated. In 1776, due to short enlistments, casualties, sickness, and desertions, entire regiments dwindled down to a fraction of their original size. Another complete reorganization of the army was ordered for 1777. This time Washington’s advice that he needed longer enlistments than the ninety day or six month wonders finally hit the mark. Congress listened and ordered that men enlisted for the entire war. As the war progressed, regiments shrank and were combined into others. With the draw down of hostilities after Yorktown in 1781, yet another major reshuffling of the army occurred. Through all this, Hazen managed to successfully recruit additional men in the states to replace those lost to casualties and sickness. He maintained anywhere from four to seven hundred men within the 2^nd Canadian regiment and as such, Congress never saw a need to reorganize it. While Americans within his regiment did succumb to desertion, his Canadians, though thinned out by attrition through casualties and disease, remained by Hazen’s side for the duration. (Hazen reported in 1779 that only one Canadian had deserted in three years since the regiment was organized). They had no home to go to as they gave up all their holdings in Canada to fight for the Americans.

For the rest of the summer of 1776, while General Benedict Arnold built a fleet on Lake Champlain to counter the expected British invasion from the north, Hazen’s regiment was sent south to Albany where he became the town’s supervisor. Arnold boldly sent his small fleet against the British warships on October 11, 1776. Even though he lost the battle, he succeeded in doing enough damage that Carleton decided it was too late in the season to continue the attack and called off the invasion, postponing it to the next year. With troops of both sides going into winter quarters, Hazen was ordered to join the Hudson River Valley division of the Continental Army and at Fishkill, New York. There, his men constructed winter huts. Eventually, many of the Canadian families would move to Fishkill and remain there for the rest of the war while their fathers and sons campaigned.

1777 is an Eventful Year for the 2^nd Canadian. Battles of Brandywine Creek, Germantown, Statin Island, and Countless Skirmishes

From a memorial Hazen wrote to Washington on Nov. 30, 1779, he claims he had “seven hundred and twenty men were brought into the field on the opening of the campaign in the year 1777.” This was due to Lt. Colonel Antill’s successful recruiting of two companies in Maryland, a company in Connecticut, additional men in New York and New Jersey, including foreign troops who were naturally put into Hazen’s “Foreign Legion” of Canadians & Americans. In May, 1777, his regiment broke camp and marched to Peekskill, New York and reported to General Israel Putnam, commander of the army in the Highlands Region north of New York City. General Sullivan requested that the 2^nd Canadian remain in his division and on June 1^st, Hazen’s men arrived at Princeton, New Jersey. In the coming battles and skirmishes, Hazen’s unit would be in the thick of the fight, suffering significantly higher percentages of casualties than other regiments within the army.

Battle of Staten Island

Washington was always desperate for information on the enemy’s intentions, as well as keen for military supplies, including as a means to cut back on British incursions into New Jersey. He favored a major raid upon Staten Island, where the British maintained a base. On August 22^nd, General Sullivan led the raid and among his force were several companies of the 2^nd Canadian. Lt. Col. Antill led the unit as Hazen was not present. All was going well as they successfully gathered what supplies they could carry however, on the retreat, they ran into the British 52^nd Regiment. Hazen’s men conducted a fighting retreat, but discovered that there were not enough boats left at the arranged site. Of Hazen’s regiment, 10 were killed, 5 wounded, however, 8 officers and 127 troopers were taken captive, including Antill. Later, several of Hazen’s officers would file charges against Sullivan for shoddy planning and poor execution. Ultimately a court-martial was convened to question Sullivan’s performance and he was exonerated.

Battle of Brandywine Creek

British Commanding General William Howe decided to forgo supporting General Jonny Burgoyne in his invasion from Canada to Albany. In early August, he packed nearly 18,000 troops in transports and sailed from Sandy Hook, New Jersey to Head of Elk (present day Elkton), Maryland, on the northern point of Chesapeake Bay and approx. fifty miles from Philadelphia. Washington had arranged his army of 20,000, which included Hazen’s regiment, between Howe and Philadelphia. On September 9^th, the Continental Army positioned detachments all along the east bank of the Brandywine River to guard the numerous fords. At the most direct route to Philadelphia, Washington placed the divisions of Generals Anthony Wayne and Nathanael Greene. To the south and left of the American line, at Pyle’s Ford, nearly six miles south of Chadd’s, was General John Armstrong’s 1,000 Pennsylvania militia. Extending to the American right and north of Chadd’s Ford and covering the high ground were the divisions of Generals Adam Stephen, Lord Stirling, and John Sullivan’s division. And to the extreme north, covering Buffington and Wistar’s Ford was posted Hazen’s Canadians. Key to the emerging battle, was Howe’s plan to feint an attack at Chadd’s Ford while shifting nearly 10,000 of his army north past where the Brandywine split, cross two fords, and then attack the Americans from the rear. Under the command of Gen. Charles Cornwallis and Howe himself, on the morning of September 11^th, they crossed the Brandywine unopposed at two overlooked fords, and flanked the American Army.

This move by Howe was similar to the Battle of Long Island, where a strong force of Hessians and British attacked and threatened to advance on the American main front, while Howe’s main attack flanked and worked in behind the Americans. As at Long Island, so too at Brandywine, it worked. Hazen’s scouts reported that a large number of British were spotted marching towards the northern crossings of the Creek. He reported to Sullivan that the enemy was intent on flanking their right. So too, at 11 AM, Lt. Colonel James Ross, of the 8^th Pennsylvania Regiment, part of Wayne’s Division and light infantry posted on the west bank as piquets, came in contact with Howe’s force and reported this to headquarters. Ross immediately sent a dispatch, writing that “A large body of the enemy – from every account 5,000, with 16 or 18 field pieces, marched along this road just now…” Ross attacked the rear with seventy men and another twenty under Capt. Simpson ambushed it as it proceeded north. Even though having received these reports from reliable sources, Washington took no action. He had just received information by Major Joseph Spear of Chester County Militia that there were no signs of the enemy on the west bank of the river. Also, a light cavalry Major confirmed there was no enemy approaching their right. In light of this, for the rest of the morning and early afternoon, Washington remained convinced that the main attack was before him at Chadd’s Ford.

It wasn’t until 2 PM that a light dragoon sent to investigate the American right, rode in panting and handed over a dispatch from Sullivan stating that the enemy was in their rear about two miles distant and coming on strong. Washington, who had been contemplating attacking the enemy across Chadd’s Ford, immediately sent Stirling’s and Stephen’s Divisions to the right to support Sullivan’s efforts to meet the attack, around 3,500 men. Washington also sent orders to Sullivan to form up with Stirling’s and Stephen’s divisions and assume command. Sullivan’s Maryland regiments swung about and marched and were soon joined by Hazen’s Canadians who were hurrying down from their more northern posting. With Hazen’s men in the lead, the Marylanders and the rest of the division hurried to join with the other divisions. Sullivan rode ahead and to his chagrin, saw that his men were not in line with the Americans, but were one half mile forward of the rebel line. Because of inadequate reconnaissance, terrible terrain, and the hastened repositioning of his division, Sullivan’s men were advancing directly into the path of Howe’s attacking force. They would soon be hit hard by the enemy while trying to redeploy – something even the most experienced troops would find nearly impossible. By then it was too late. It was 3 PM. The other two divisions were in line of battle on a plowed hill near the Birmingham Meeting House. Guns were unlimbered and skirmishers and light dragoons combed the area to their front, seeking first signs of the enemy. As Sullivan rode on ahead to order Stephen and Stirling to shift to the right to make room for his division, all hell broke loose and Sullivan’s Division, except for Hazen’s Canadians and the 1^st New Jersey Regiment under Colonel Matthias Ogden, disintegrated and ran for their lives.

Hazen, along with Ogden’s regiment close behind, ignored Sullivan’s line of march down a close and sunken road. Instead, he led his men directly towards the American line. When the British and Hessian Grenadiers attacked with leveled volleys and bayonets, Sullivan’s Division evaporated with men running to the rear to save their lives. Not so Hazen’s men. With a throng of fugitives swirling around them and rushing to the rear, and enemy fire pouring in, Hazen, now a full quarter mile in front of any rebel support, plowed ahead, determined to link up with the American line. Hazen had about four hundred men in his regiment and was hit in front and on his flank by three battalions of Hessian Grenadiers, each battalion over four hundred strong. Though greatly outnumbered, more than three to one, the firebrand Hazen formed his men into a line of battle and met the attack head on with steady volleys. He and his men held the line until Ogden’s men came up and unleashed a devastating volley. The Hessians drew back and Hazen and Ogden were able to link up with Stirling’s Division, forming the left of the line.

Howe was surprised to see over three thousand Americans in line of battle, but an experienced officer, he didn’t flinch an inch. He ordered the British and Hessian line of battle to advance behind a covering barrage of cannon that slowly lifted over the heads of the redcoats. They soon attacked the rebel line with a vengeance. A British officer recalled, “there was a most infernal fire of cannon and musquetry…the balls plowing up the ground. The trees cracking over one’s head. The branches riven by the artillery. The leaves falling as in autumn by the grapeshot…” Both Stephens and Stirling’s men held the line. Hazen’s men were in the thick of the fight. While Sullivan and his aides raced to rally the remains of his division, the greatly outnumbered rebels clung tenaciously to the hill for over half an hour, battling for survival against two thirds of Howe’s army. Though struggling in a valiant defense, they could not do so forever and eventually succumbed to the larger enemy force’s flanking maneuvers and constant pressure to the front. Finally, steel pikes met clubbed muskets, as many Americans did not have bayonets, and the rebels broke and pulled back. Sensing the kill, the British & Hessian forces at Chadd’s Ford also surged forward and Washington had no alternative but to order a general retreat.

Darkness, as it had done so in the past, allowed the American army to stage a haphazard retreat. Afterwards, blame for the defeat would pass among disgruntled officers with most of the grumbling against Washington’s indecisive handling of both information and troop disposition. Hazen, a grizzled warrior and veteran of many fights was more understanding of what his commander faced writing, “…he is no more than a man and that as such it is possible he may be subject to some errors as well as some others…in the Battle of Brandywine there was a want of information…”  British losses were around 550 killed and wounded. Americans would be near twice that and lose just over 1,000 men. Hazen’s regiment lost four officers and seventy-three rank and file. Therefore, Moses’ one regiment, making up just 2% of the American Army, would account for 8% of its loss in the battle. In just the last five weeks, between Statin Island and Brandywine Creek, Hazen lost just over 40% of his regiment and still there was one more major battle before winter set it.

Battle of Germantown, Oct. 4, 1777

With the American army pushed aside, the British entered Philadelphia on September 25^th. Howe began to set up winter quarters in and around the city. To the west and north, along the Schuylkill River and in the village of Germantown, he positioned two full brigades under the bane of the Americans, General James Grant, and a large contingent of Hessian troops led by the reliable General Wilhelm von Kynphausen. Nine thousand troops in all. Washington had positioned a large portion of his army northwest of the British line. Through attrition, casualties, and large detachments throughout the region, he had under his direct command 8,000 Continentals and 3,000 militiamen. With an advantage in numbers, he saw an opportunity to do grave damage to Howe’s forces while his army was split up. He decided to make a surprise dawn attack using a double envelopment – a maneuver any veteran army of experienced career soldiers would find difficult to coordinate. As for the Americans, though victory hung in the balance, there were too many factors a rebel force still learning to fight to overcome to assure success at the most critical moment.

Washington set his army in motion on the night of October 3^rd. As at Trenton, he splintered his force for a dawn attack at multiple points. Timing was critical as well as an all-night march resulting in being at the right place at the right time. Basically, General John Sullivan’s would target the center and main force. Once more, Hazen’s regiment, under Sullivan’s command, would be in the thick of the fight. Gen. Nathanael Greene’s Division would attack the enemy on the left flank, while on the extreme right, General William Smallwood commanding militia, would assault that flank and rear. Unfortunately for the Americans, by early dawn, a thick heavy fog had enveloped the entire region making it impossible to not only see your opponent, but barely the road or terrain to your front.

Sullivan’s men drove in the pickets. One hundred and twenty men under Colonel Musgrave were cut off. Rather than surrender, the hardened soldier ordered his men into a large stone house of Chief Justice Benjamin Chew, known as Cliveden. General Knox advised that they not leave a stronghold in their rear and the Americans. The rebels shelled the thick-walled house to little or no effect. Musgrave held out as numerous assaults were repulsed with heavy casualties. This thorn in the American’s rear would continue to rage and confuse the rebels as they pressed the attack forward. Sullivan with Hazen’s unit continued the advance towards the center. Further problems arose. General Anthony Wayne’s men became separated in the fog. Hazen’s men as well as the rest of Sullivan’s force were running out of ammunition and the fire slackened. Their separation, lack of fire, and the commotion from behind at the Cliveden House convinced them that they were surrounded and men began to falter. Greene continued to press his attack, however one of his brigades under Gen. Adam Stephen, also became lost in the fog and stumbled upon Wayne’s men and mistook them for the enemy. Both sides opened up and in the resulting fire, Wayne’s men, as well as Stephen’s units broke and fled the field.

The British right found themselves free from the main American assault and pressed forward to begin enveloping the American line. So too the Hessians on the far left. With much of wind taken out of the American attack, those rebels left on the line began to pull back. Washington had remained at the Chew House and by 8:30 AM, about 2 and a half hours into the battle, ordered a general and orderly retreat. Musgrave’s men within the house were eventually rescued by the advancing British. Grant pursued the retreating Americans for about nine miles before ordering his men to return to Germantown. American losses were over 700 killed and wounded, including 400 taken captive. The British lost around 500 in killed and wounded with all British captives reclaimed during the American retreat. Hazen’s regiment lost three officers and nineteen rank and file. His men would winter with the American Army, but not at Valley Forge, but Wilmington, Delaware. That fall Hazen would be hospitalized for illness while his men built huts for winter shelter.

Winter of 1777-1778. Hazen Pressed for another invasion of Canada

At the close of the 1777 campaign, where Hazen’s regiment saw their most extensive combat service, two things occupied Hazen’s time to the point of compulsiveness for the remainder of the war: another invasion of Canada, and to be reimbursed for lost property in Canada including his half-pay pension from the British. Besides the daily running of his regiment, all else paled in his desire to fulfill these two ends. He would pen countless letters in support of an invasion as well as his own personal compensation. Over the next two years he would be active in planning two more Canadian invasions and was still pressing for a third when the war ended. His desire for compensation never ended – lasting twenty years after the war ended, right up until his death. So too, Hazen’s wife would unsuccessfully continue this quest until her death, forty-four years after the war ended.

The British nestled down in comfortable winter quarters in Philadelphia. Washington kept his army close by, choosing a location northwest from the city along the Schuylkill River at a place called Valley Forge. Most of the American army would remain with Washington at Valley Forge while a portion also wintered at Wilmington, Delaware. Hazen’s regiment would march to Delaware where they would fare better than their companions at Valley Forge for winter quarters and provisions were superior. After the northern British army under General Burgoyne surrendered to General Horatio Gates on Oct.17^th, talk was already circulating among those in Congress to launch another invasion of Canada. Hazen, never one to shy away from pressing an issue he fully backed, lobbied hard for the organization of another force to attack the forts along the Richelieu River and take back Montreal and ultimately have another go at Quebec City. Hazen’s voice on the matter proved to be among the loudest as he wrote many and long detailed letters to anyone and everyone as to how the operation was to be organized and executed.

Keen at negotiating and playing off personalities to get his way, Hazen praised General Horatio Gates for his victory at Saratoga and then spoke glowingly of an attack on Canada which would only add to the general’s high esteem in Congress. On Nov. 12, 1777, Gates sent Captain Benjamin Whitcomb of Whitcomb’s Rangers to Colonel Timothy Bedel (in Haverhill, NH) with orders to collect 500 men and command them, along with now Major Whitcomb, to attack and take St. John’s on the Richelieu River. Hazen also helped convince French-Irishman General Thomas Conway of the infamous Conway Cabal which conspired to replace Washington to favor a Canadian invasion. Conway pulled political strings in Congress and got himself appointed as second in command of an invasion force under the leadership of General Marquis de Lafayette. While the American army languished at Valley Forge, the plan was put into operation.

In January of 1778, Hazen was appointed quartermaster for the planned invasion of Canada. He was to supply a small army with sufficient provisions, ammunition, and sleds to transport supplies over the winter snows. With typical explosive energy, Hazen immediately left for Albany and we know he arrived by January 29, 1778, for he penned a letter to Colonel Bedel at Haverhill, NH. He informed Bedel that the Onion River (present day Winooski River in Vermont) was the gathering place to invade Canada. Sometime in late January or early February, Hazen’s regiment left winter quarters at Wilmington, Delaware and began the arduous, 200+ mile hike to Albany, New York in the dead of winter. When Hazen arrived at Albany, he immediately faced serious shortages in manpower, supplies, and especially sleds. Of the 150 sleds he figured necessary to convey provisions over the winter terrain, only thirteen could be had. Nevertheless, Hazen wrote to Lafayette on Feb. 17^th that he could supply a 3,000-man army for sixty days and he was ready to move on Canada. Basically, when he penned that letter, he had no winter clothing, barely enough food and supplies to provision the only 366 men at his command – far from the thousands recommended for the operation.

When Lafayette arrived in February, he found none of the promises for men and supplies had been kept. Barely 1,500 men had been assembled, many barely fit for duty, with little or no supplies for a winter campaign over three hundred miles against an entrenched enemy. On Feb. 15^th, General Conway wrote to Bedel from Albany directing him to remain with his troops at Coos (Haverhill area of northern NH that included present day Vermont) and wait until further orders. On February 19^th, Conway wrote to Bedel informing him that the invasion was called off by orders of General Marquis de Lafayette. Bedel’s regiment was to report to Albany instead. Prior to Lafayette calling off the invasion, several high-ranking officers questioned its feasibility. Generals Schuyler and Lincoln advised against it. Arnold, no fan of Hazen or Gates who took all the credit for Saratoga when Arnold was key in the victory, was the most skeptical stating that “two ignorant and designing men promoted a foolish project…” Lafayette noted that “I believe this eagerness can be attributed to personal motives [meaning Hazen’s desire to see his lands restored].” He also praised Hazen for his commitment and diligence against all odds writing, “that gentleman has showed the greatest activity and zeal…” On March 13^th, Congress concurred with Lafayette’s order to abandon the invasion. For Hazen, this would not be the end of the matter and he would once more push hard for an attack on Canada the next year, 1779.

1778 & Winter Quarters – Stationed with the Hudson Valley Highlands Division and promotes another invasion of Canada

On April 7th, Hazen and his regiment were ordered to West Point and the Highland’s Division under the command of Major General Alexander McDougal. They therefore had no part in the Battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778, between Washington’s main army and new British Commander-in-Chief, General Henry Clinton. In June, 1778, Moses was at Peekskill and in July, Hazen’s regiment was transferred to General Enoch Poor’s Brigade near White Plains. Still focused on Canada, in early July, Hazen went on a secret spy mission to St. Francis, Canada, to meet with old companions, gather information, and survey the territory of northern Vermont as a possible invasion route to Canada. On the 12^th, he was on the Connecticut River at Newbury, Vermont, near Haverhill, NH, and by the 25^th of July, he was back at White Plains. Though Hazen pushed for yet another invasion of Canada, now through Vermont, and would do so for the rest of 1778 and well into 1779, by November of 1778, General Schuyler had already convinced Washington that any possible invasion of Canada should go through Oswego, not Vermont and the Champlain Valley.

By the fall of 1778, Hazen had 522 men in which 33 were officers, a very high ratio of officers to rank and file. During this time, Moses began his constant reminder to his superiors that his Canadians were not supported by any state and therefore were “without friend, without acquaintance, without money… they have no parent state to reward them for their meritorious services…” So too by the fall of 1778, a large shipment of uniforms arrived from France. For the very first time, a large portion of the American Army would look like soldiers. The uniforms of blue and brown were chosen for regiments by lot, the blue uniforms being the most preferred. Hazen’s regiment drew brown with red facings. Shortly after, Hazen’s regiment would march from White Plains to Danbury, Connecticut where they would winter. During the long winter months, Hazen would continue to push his desire to build a road through Vermont to Canada, press Congress for reimbursement for lost revenue, and now added to his list of ‘wants’, his desire to be promoted to brigadier general.

In 1779, Hazen was used by Washington to draw British attention to Vermont and away from Gen. Sullivan’s mission to destroy the Six Nations in western New York

Hazen had begun his latest campaign for another invasion of Canada in September, 1778, pressing his superiors to order a route built through the wilderness. His plan was to construct a road from the Connecticut River, across northeastern Vermont towards Missisquoi Bay which was along the east side of the Richelieu River (coincidentally Hazen’s former land holdings in Canada) and south of Montreal. Benjamin Mooers, Hazen’s nephew (Hazen had first served under Mooers’ father in the French & Indian War) was an ensign in Hazen’s regiment. He wrote that in May, 1779, his regiment was ordered to march north to Haverhill, NH.

There they were employed throughout the summer to cut a road from Peacham through the wilderness towards Canada in sight of Lake Memphamagog. By the fall of that year, it became obvious to one and all the true intent of allowing Hazen to labor at building his road. Moores recorded that “we supposed an invasion was to be made into Canada [along the road they were building] but the event proved -it was only to draw the attention of the Enemy that way. – while Gen. Sullivan with an army destroyed Indian settlements at. Wyoming & Western parts of New York.”

This wilderness road, in which modern roads continue to follow its path and portions can still be viewed, was called the Baylor Hazen Road. It had been started in 1777 by General Jacob Baylor, a resident of the Coors region, before being abandoned. In April, 1779, Colonel Whitcomb’s rangers were ordered from the Rutland, Vermont region to Haverhill. There they were joined by Hazen’s regiment and the two continued the construction of the road. Hazen resumed command of the region after Colonel Bedel was ordered south. Work on the road continued all summer with Hazen’s usual zeal in seeing it completed. He was convinced that Washington shared his dream of a large force of Americans pouring up the road into Canada and he and the Canadians in his command once more claiming their lost lands. By September, it became obvious to Hazen that he had been duped and used as a decoy. When Sullivan and Clinton finished their devastation of the Six Nations villages and destroyed their will to fight alongside the British, Washington ordered Hazen to abandon the road and report to Morristown, New Jersey where the regiment would winter. Hazen had been annexed to Major General Edward hand’s Brigade and his regiment arrived at Morristown on December 1^st.

1779 & 1780 Winter at Morristown – Worst and Coldest Yet. Back to the Highland Region – Witness Major John Andre’s hanging

The second winter at Morristown proved to be far worse than Valley Forge’s ordeal. It was the coldest and snowiest on record. Food supplies were reduced to almost nothing. Men were without proper clothing and many died from disease and exposure. Mutinies within the army became more common. At the start of this winter, Moses penned one of his lengthier letters or memorials to Washington on Nov. 30^th, 1779, just as his men arrived at winter quarters in Morristown, New Jersey. He reported that he had 471 noncommissioned officers and soldiers on his roster. Of that number, 127 (including 16 officers) were what remained of his volunteers from Canada, the rest belonging to several other states of the union. He praised his men, noting that only one Canadian had ever deserted from the time the regiment was formed in 1776. This after last summer when they repeatedly made excursions into Canada to gather information, many of his Canadians being within miles of their previous homes. Moses also went on to complain that while other state regiments enjoy support from their native states in the form of food supplies, provisions, and money, his ‘Congress’ Own’ regiment did not. Yet, the Americans in his until were counted by several states as part of their quota to fill the ranks of the general army.

All winter long, and into the next year, Hazen would plague Washington with almost daily correspondence, from advice, to lack of provisions, to questions of promotion, and of course, when he was going to be reimbursed for lost land. By 1780, Hazen had 535 men in his regiment which cost Congress in salary alone $4,778.28 a month. Of course, Congress was content to keep records of money owed with back pay mounting up, month after month. Much of this was later issued in certificates of script which were either never paid, or purchased by speculators after the war for pennies on the dollar. Years later, Treasurer Alexander Hamilton issued full payment of these certificates – this when most of the certificates were now in speculators’ hands, those who had never fought a day for the American cause. In January, Hazen’s men were involved in a mid-winter raid on Staten Island. The river was frozen over and men advanced over the ice. Once more, like previously, the attack was a fiasco with large numbers of soldiers, over 500, suffering frost bite. They were easily driven off by British forces coming across the ice from New York. That spring, Colonel Livingstone’s Canadian 1^st was so reduced that they were added to Hazen’s unit. There were now 504 men in the regiment with 18 companies of 28 each.

In August, 1780, Hazen was at Kings Ferry on the Hudson near Stony Point and West Point, once more with the Highland Division. He was given command of Gen. Enoch Poor’s Brigade; however, it was in name only as he was not promoted, but remained a Colonel. He was very busy running the affairs of the brigade that was very active in a series of raids and skirmishes with the enemy throughout Westchester County’s twenty-mile-wide ‘no man’s land’ between British and American forces. It was also in late August that Hazen would run amuck with Von Steuben for not having followed proper line of march. Von Steuben had Hazen arrested and while under house arrest, Hazen countered with accusations and charges of his own against Von Steuben. This was a pattern of court battles that Hazen had in civilian life that continued throughout the war. Any who crossed his path and or insulted his honor, both subordinates and superiors, garnished his attention through extensive letter-writing and court-martial proceedings. The backbiting and constantly bickering with charges levied for the sake of ‘honor’ became so bad that Colonel Israel Angell, a reluctant officer having to sit on yet another one of the countless court-martials dealing with officers accusing other officers, commented that “a troublesome world this. As soon as one gits out of trouble themselves, one called upon to settle, disturbances with others…” In the fall, Major Reid represented the American officers in Hazen’s unit and filed charges complaining of Hazen’s improper provisioning and asked to be reassigned to a state regiment. And so it went, with charge and counter charge. Reid would remain in Hazen’s regiment and continue to be a thorn in the combative colonel’s side for the duration of the war.

In the fall of 1780, Hazen’s regiment was called upon to witness on Oct. 2^nd, the hanging of Major John Andre, who had conspired with Benedict Arnold to hand over West Point to the British. Now Lieutenant Benjamin Mooers wrote in his memoir, “In the General Order of October 1, 1780, in Orangetown, New York, by a board of officers to examine into Major Andres case reported that he ought to be considered as a spy – on which the commander-in-Chief directs the execution of said Andre to be in the afternoon at 5 o’clock precisely! Capt. Hughes of our Regiment – commanded the guard – the Prisoner walked between the Capt. And Lieutenant – arm in arm to the place of execution – One hundred of our regiment attended, myself as Adjutant on horseback, was near to, & saw the execution!! Of the Prisoner! & a most affecting scene.” After which the army retired from the encampment principally to & near West Point.

1781, Promoted to Brigadier General & The Battle of Yorktown

Hazen’s Corps retreated to winter quarters to their familiar huts at Fishkill, New York. Several of the Canadian exiled families had remained at Fishkill after the 1776-77 winter encampment while the regiment was called elsewhere. Hazen and his men would remain busy throughout Westchester County battling skirmishers and loyalists ‘cowboys’, mainly of Lt. Colonel Oliver DeLancy’s regiment. In January, General Hull attacked a large detachment of Delancy’s men. As Hull retreated, he was pursued by a thousand loyalists of Delancy’s corps. Hazen, with only one hundred men, hid in the woods and waited as the enemy passed and then attacked. They killed and captured thirty-five of the enemy before scattering the surprised loyalists and making a quick retreat. General Hull later commented that Hazen ‘did much honor.’ In January, Whitcomb’s Rangers were disbanded and the officers retired. The remaining rank and file were to be added to Hazen’s corps. The men refused to go and petitioned Washington to remain in Vermont. Their petition was denied and on March 12^th, they reported to Hazen.

An alarm was raised in May of 1781 that a combined British and Native American force was gathering along the Mohawk River Valley with the intent of attacking Albany. Hazen’s Infernals left Fishkill on June 6, 1781, and arrived to patrol the Mohawk River. One month later, they were back at West Point. On June 29, 1781, Hazen was finally made a Brigadier General just as things were brewing that would ultimately seal the fate of British rule in America. General Nathaniel Greene had been leading British General Cornwallis deep into the southern countryside and fought a bruising battle at Guilford Courthouse. Cornwallis, low on manpower and supplies, made a daring drive into Virginia, hoping to link up with British troops and her naval force. However, a strong French navy battled the British fleet and drove the English back to New York. Conwallis’ army would be left on their own on the Yorktown Peninsula. Washington saw his chance and raced his army south to lay siege to Cornwallis’ southern army. Hazen left West Point and hurried to Head of Elk on the Chesapeake Bay where his men boarded transports to the James River. From September 20^th to the 30^th his men arrived to camp twelve miles from Yorktown.

On the evening of Oct. 14^th, Hazen’s men would be part of the final push against the British defenses. Now General Hazen would command Lt. Colonel Hamilton’s battalion, Colonel Scammell’s Regiment, and his own Canadian 2^nd. The other brigades organized for the final attack against the British defenses were Muhlenberg, Wayne, Gist, Dayton, and Clinton along with French units. On Sept. 26, Hazen made out his will, expecting a severe battle. On the 27^th, Hazen and Muhlenberg Brigades were positioned on the right of the planned assault under General Lafayette. On the 28^th, at 5 AM troops moved out. They waited until the trenches were finished allowing the artillery to be moved into position. On Oct. 9^th, the bombardment for the attack began. On the evening of Oct. 14^th, Hazen and Muhlenberg’s men attacked Redoubt No. 10. They were ordered to ‘attack with steel’ using bayonets only in the initial assault and were in the thick of the fight. They stormed the redoubt with Colonel Anthill once more with his unit, having been exchanged, and now leading the regiment. The British were driven back from their position and Washington once more opened up with his artillery. On Oct. 17^th, Cornwallis saw the writing on the wall and negotiated to surrender. On the 18^th and 19^th, some 7,240 men were turned over to the Americans. Though none of the combatants knew it at the time, the war was basically over that day.

1781 – 1782 Winters at Lancaster Pennsylvania to guard prisoners from both Yorktown Saratoga. Travels to Albany and granted his first furlough home.

With Cornwallis’ army gone, Washington returned his attention to Clinton’s army still in New York City. The main army returned to Peekskill and White Plains. Hazen’s brigade would march to Lancaster Pennsylvania where the prisoners of Saratoga from four years previously were housed. So too, some of Yorktown’s prisoners were to join them. His men would oversee the confinement and treatment of the prisoners. As the war wound down, Hazen was just getting wound up with his correspondence. He pressed Washington, other superiors, and Congress to address his personal financial concerns as well as championing the Canadian exiles predicament among his command. Always the strong-headed combative personality, he also stirred up old litigation with subordinates and colleagues. Yet through all that, he was also an excellent administrator, receiving accolades from local politicians and prisoners alike.

Hazen had applied to a furlough to go home, his first in the war, and was granted one from January 6, 1782 to march 24^th. We know that he had reported to Albany for John Stark, commander at Albany, wrote to Maj. Gen. Heath on Dec. 22^nd, referring to Hazen taking over command of the city. “…I shall not hasten from the district until matters are duly arranged, and I hope not till General Hazen arrives to take the command. If he is not already on the road…” It is known that Hazen spent his three-month furlough developing land in upper New York State, New Hampshire, and Vermont. He met with several prominent men of the area including Ethan Allen, Governor Chittenden of Vermont and Governor Clinton of New York. In March he returned to Lancaster and soon after wrote an eighteen-page letter to Washington proposing yet again, an invasion of Canada. Hazen would remain at Lancaster all summer and fall of 1782 for a total of eleven months. His regiment was sent to Pompton, New Jersey to spend the 1782-1783 winter. His command was scattered all over New York and New Jersey on patrols to hamper enemy foraging parties and stop ‘cowboys’ loyalists from driving cattle to New York City to supply the British army.

After the War

At war’s end, Hazen’s men were furloughed in June, 1783 and was disbanded in November. The Canadians left in his regiment joined their families in refugee camps at Albany and Fishkill, NY. There they received rations from Congress. Some drifted back to Canada. For those who remained, Hazen tried to get land grants. Congress failed to take any action, however the state of New York responded to Hazen’s pleas for help and created the Canadian and Nova Scotia Refugee Tract along upper Lake Champlain to the Canadian border in what is now Clinton County. In 1786, the refugees left the refugee camps and moved to their new lands.

Hazen, true to his obstinate nature, never gave up trying to pry money from Congress. He sought compensation for his land losses in Canada, his disbursements to recruit and maintain his regiment, and the loss of his British half pay. He also requested reimbursement for his manor that had been pillaged by both armies and later razed to deny it to the British. In 1783, the Saint John River Society’s lands, including Hazen’s share, were escheated. The next year, Gabriel Christie, his old partner, won a suit against him in the Court of Common Pleas at Montreal, obtaining judgement for 1,900 pounds sterling. Christie had Hazen arrested twice in New York for debt and in August, 1785, had his Richelieu Valley holdings seized for sale at a sheriff’s auction. Hazen won on appeal, but it was reversed by the British Privy Council. In 1790, at a sheriff’s auction, Christie acquired Bleury-Sud and some of Hazen’s other lots around Fort St. Johns.

Hazen, in spite of debts and court decisions that gobbled up his land, refused to give up pursuing elaborate plans for land speculation and colonization. It all came to nothing. He had a stroke in 1786 that disabled him for life. In 1787, he settled in Troy, New York. He partnered with another war compatriot in business relations but by 1790, that relationship had soured and Hazen was sued for $826 of advances that he had guaranteed. That same year, Hazen pressed yet again his petitions of Congress for $6,000 in reimbursements for his war’s expenses. They came to no end. In 1794, Hazen’s partner claimed part of Moses’ lands in Clinton County, NY, including 1,000 acres in the Refugee Tract, which Hazen had been developing on the shores of Lake Champlain.

On August 3, 1795, Hazen’s wife, Charlotte, wrote directly to then President George Washington describing their family situation. She implored him to use his influence to help her husband settle his claims for reimbursement for losses, and back pay for his promotion to general. She spoke of his stroke and their financial position writing “My Husband Genl Hazen has been Confined to his bed, without the Ability of ever turning himself therein for upwards of Nine Years…my situation has for a long time past been truly deplorable, having been frequently without a shilling to procure a dinner for my family… permit me then Sir, to Ask if there can be any impropriety (under all these Circumstances) in the Secretary of the Treasury advancing a Reasonable sum for the Necessary subsistence of my Family, say a proportionable part of what is Acknowledged to be his due—”

Washington forward her letter to the Secretary of Treasury (This would be Oliver Wolcott Jr. who took over for Hamilton on Feb. 3, 1795 after Hamilton resigned on January 31,1795 because of personal financial reasons.) Wolcott wrote back that “the sum claimed is … more considerable than that which has been admitted—General Hazen has hitherto contended for his whole demand and has refused to accept as a settlement what the public officers have thought themselves authorized to allow.” In so many words, he inferred that Hazen’s stubbornness to press the issue for full compensation is just not going to happen and that they are willing to offer a settlement. He urged that she should “induce General Hazen to accept what is allowed to be his due”

Washington wrote back that he was basically informed of actions taken by the Secretary. He stated that he had no power and said pointedly that Hazen had the power to make it right by accepting a payment for less than what he was after:  “…it may not be amiss for you to know, that I have no power, nor would there be any propriety, in my interfering with the settlement of accounts; unless it be in cases of malpractice in the Officer—I wish that both your own, & Genl Hazens situation were more comfortable than you represent them. It depends, it would seem upon himself to make it so, in part.” Stubborn to the end, Hazen never settled.

In the last 14 years of his life, Moses was arrested 14 times for debt and had instituted just as many suits against others. A court judged him of unsound mind in 1802 – however it did not stop him from being arrested for debt twice more just weeks before his death on Feb. 5, 1803.

He died a wealthy man on paper; however, his widow, Charlotte, spent the next twenty-four years trying to collect claims totaling $42,000 against Congress and individuals. All her efforts to do so failed before her death in 1827. Ultimately, the executor of Hazen’s estate, Hazen’s nephew and Lieutenant in his regiment, Benjamin Mooers, obtained payment from Congress for some of Hazen’s claims. In 1828, Congress approved payment to his descendants as partial compensation for his lost pension and the funds he expended to support his troops, $3,998.81. His estate was never compensated for his lands and property lost in Canada. Hazen died at home in Troy and some sources state that he was buried in Troy. Most record that he was buried in an unmarked grave as one of the first internments at the Albany Rural Cemetery, Menands, Albany County, NY.

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SOURCE

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Duling, Ennis. Arnold, Hazen and the Mysterious Major Scott. Journal of the American Revolution.

Everest, Alan S. Moses Hazen and the Canadian Refugees in the American Revolution. 1976: Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, NY.

Founders On Line: From Lieutenant James Ross 11 September, 1777. University of Virginia.  https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-11-02-0190-0003

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Hazen, Moses. “The memorial of Colonel Moses Hazen to General Washington, 1779.” (In Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. VIII 1779-1781, pp. 17-19. Philadelphia, 1853. 8vo.)

Heitman, Francis B. Historic Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the Revolution April 1775 to December, 1783. 1914: The Rare Book Shop Publishing Company, Inc., Washington, DC.

Lanctot, Gustave. Canada & the American Revolution 1774-1783. Trans. Margaret M. Cameron. Cambridge, Mass, Harvard U. Press, 1967.

Moores, Benjamin. Autobiography written in 1822. He was Moses Hazen’s nephew by Moses’ sister Abagail and member of Hazen’s regiment from 1778 to end of war. From Moores Memoirs, Newsletters: Winter 1998-99, Summer 1999, Winter 1999-2000. On-line.

Morris, George F. “Major Benjamin Whitcomb, Ranger and Partisan Leader of the Revolution.” Proceedings of the New Hampshire Historical Society. Vol. 4, (June 1899-June 1905) Published by the Society (1905) Concord, NH. pp 299-320.

Movers, Benjamin H. “Biography of Major-General Benjamin Movers of Plattsburg, Clinton County, N.Y., written, in 1833 by request of his son, Benjamin H. Movers.” “A detailed history of this regiment (Hazen’s) written by its Adjutant.” In Historical Magazine, Vol. XXI, Feb., 1872, pp. 92-94.

National Archives: Founders on Line:  To George Washington from Charlotte de La Saussaye Hazen, 3 August 1795 From Charlotte de La Saussaye Hazen  https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-18-02-0329

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Sherman, William Thomas. “1^st & 2^nd Canadian Regiments of Washington’s Army. William Thomas Sherman http://www.gunjones.com  and http://www.scribd.com/wsherman_1

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