Major Benjamin Whitcomb and Ranger leader in the American Revolution (b. July 2, 1737) was an incredible backwoods warrior who matched his abilities in frontier scouting and fighting with the best of them. He honed his skills at an early age, seventeen, fighting in the French & Indian War, campaigning throughout the northern reaches of New England and along the St. Lawrence River. In the American Revolution, he accepted missions few would dare, scouting deep into enemy territory teaming with redcoats and hostile Native Americans. When abandoned by his colleagues, he single-handedly ambushed a party of British officers and mortally wounded a brigadier general. Relying on stealth and his wilderness knowledge, he was able to escape capture and forge his way over a hundred miles back to American lines. General Benedict Arnold was preparing for a British fleet to attack from Canada and was desperate for enemy intelligence. Even though a price was put on his head for having killed the British officer, and knowing he would hang if caught, within days after returning, he set off again to spy on the British. Promoted to captain for his daring incursions against the British, he would ultimately rise to major and command two companies of American Rangers for the duration of the war. His rangers were engaged in desperate encounters with British and Indian patrols and several of his men participated in the Battles of Hubbardton and Bennington as well as Whitcomb’s company teaming with Colonel Dearborn’s light infantry at the Battle of Saratoga, to defeat British General ‘Johnny’ Burgoyne.
In 1903, Historian George F. Morris summed up Whitcomb. “In personal appearance Major Whitcomb is described as a man of average height, muscular, with very broad shoulders, light complexion, kindly countenance…. In warfare it is said he never shirked and no enterprise was so arduous, no undertaking so dangerous but that he was willing to enter upon it. He was brave as the bravest, and as cunning and crafty as the savage foes with whom he was called to compete. His powers of endurance must have been almost beyond conception. The hardships he encountered, the hairbreadth escapes he passed through, are almost incredible. Yet he did pass through them all, a great good fortune following and guiding him, without serious injury, to end a long, active and useful career in the peace of quiet of his home.”
Benjamin Whitcomb was the second of sixteen brothers and sisters – son of Benjamin Whitcomb (d 1778) deacon of Lancaster, Mass. (incorporated Leominster) and Dorothy White (daughter of Capt. John White). Little if any of his childhood has been passed down through history. His great-great-grandfather arrived in Massachusetts from England in 1629 and in 1654, was among the earliest settlers who established Lancaster, Massachusetts. Over the years, the families had prospered as able farmers and generations of Whitcombs had established farms and residences throughout the region. Eventually, due to Benjamin’s war experiences at an early age in which he traveled the northern wilds of New England, he and other members of his family resettled north in New Hampshire and what is now Vermont.
French and Indian War (Seven Years War)
Whitcomb was scarcely eighteen years of age when he first saw active service during the French & Indian War. In 1755, he joined an expedition under General William Johnson (later renowned agent for the Iroquois) against Fort Saint-Frederic. Though not attacked, the fort was later destroyed by the French in 1759 when a large force of British approached – rebuilt by the British and renamed Crown Point. Whitcomb served as a private in Samuel Hurd’s company and on Sept. 8th of that year, he fought at the battle of Lake George. in which the colonial forces were successful against the Frenchman Baron de Dieskau, resulting in the construction of Fort William Henry. In 1757, after French General Louis-Joseph de Montcalm captured Fort William Henry, an alarm was sounded throughout New England, fearing the French would push on to Albany. Whitcomb heeded the call and enlisted in Capt. Oliver Wilder’s company to help thwart such a move. After Montcalm retired to Canada, the company was disbanded without seeing active service.
Two years later, in 1759 at age 21, he enlisted in the company of James Reed for service with General Jeffrey Amherst in the general’s expedition against Fort Carilion (Ticonderoga) and Montreal; this was a two-prong attack as General James Wolfe would successfully lead a strong force against Quebec. Whitcomb served with this company during Amherst’s entire campaign, ending with the French surrender of Montreal on September 7, 1760. On the return from Canada to their homes, Whitcomb and some of the Massachusetts companies marched seventy-seven miles across Vermont along the newly constructed Crown Point Military Road from Lake Champlain to Fort No 4 on the Connecticut River at Charleston, New Hampshire. During this march, Whitcomb became impressed with the region of Vermont. On Sept. 12, 1761, he was one of the original grantees of Cavendish, Vermont, holding onto the land until 1764. By 1769, he had moved to the Westmoreland area of New Hampshire where he met and married Lydia (Robbins) Howe. Sometime after, they moved to Putney, Vermont and on September 16, 1771, he sold several areas and a mill in Westmoreland, New Hampshire. In February, 1772, Maidenhead (now Guildhall), Vermont, offered a bounty of 100 acres to anyone settling and improving the land. Whitcomb and his family took advantage of the offer and moved there on April 10, 1772. Shortly after, Whitcomb was made Justice of the Peace of Gloucester County.
Enlisted in the Continental Army in January, 1776
The Whitcomb family must have been committed patriots at the start of the war as five of Benjamin Whitcomb Senior’s sons enlisted in the Continental Army: Nathaniel, who served in Capt. Jacob Hind’s Company in Colonel James Reed’s Regiment; John and Ephraim, who served in Captain Francis Town’s Company of Colonel David Gilman’s Regiment, and Benjamin Jr., whose service is the focus of this article.
On January 20, 1776, the New Hampshire House of Representatives voted “to raise one regiment of soldiers forthwith.” The regiment consisted of eight companies under the command of Haverhill, New Hampshire resident, Colonel Timothy Bedel and ordered to join the Continental Army. Bedel had originally raised a couple companies of rangers to join General Montgomery in their invasion of Canada in 1775 and had been present during the siege of Fort St. Jean and the capture of Montreal. The additional companies that formed the complete regiment joined Bedel in early spring, 1776. Whitcomb was at first given the task as enlistment officer and as such, remained in Orford in March, when the regiment was ordered north into Canada. Thirty-eight-year-old Benjamin Whitcomb’s name appears in the roll of Captain Samuel Young’s Company as second lieutenant, receiving on March 8, 1776, £10 16s. for services since January 22, 1776. It wasn’t until May that he left Orford with his remaining recruits to rejoin Young’s company.
While Whitcomb was still in New Hampshire, most of Bedel’s regiment was captured during the Battle of Cedars. Arnold had sent Bedel’s regiment west to the garrison at Cedars, minus Bedel who was ill in hospital. The garrison surrendered on May 19 after a confrontation with a combined force of British and Indian troops led by Captain George Forester. American reinforcements on their way to the Cedars were also captured on the 20th. All the captives were eventually released after negotiations between Arnold and Forester. However, Bedel and his Lieutenant Isaac Butterfield, who led the regiment at Cedars were court-martialed and cashiered from the Continental Army by August, 1776. Proof that Whitcomb escaped the surrender at Cedars is found in American Archives, Series Five, Vol. 1, pg. 167, in which his name does not appear on a list of officers of Bedel’s Regiment who were captured.
By the time Whitcomb finally rejoined Young’s Company at Sorel, Canada on June 2nd, most of the American forces were in full retreat from Canada. After the American defeat at Quebec in December of 1775, the gradual withdrawal of American forces escalated after the disastrous defeat at the Battle of Trois Rivers. Congress finally decided to give up on Canada. By June 19th, the major part of the Army had reached Crown Point, however Young’s Company was part of the rearguard and was still at Isle Aux Soix. On June 24, while part of the army’s rearguard, Whitcomb was promoted to 1st Lieutenant. The retreat from Canada came to a halt when on July 18th, the last of Bedel’s regiment reported at Crown Point and later Fort Ticonderoga.
Expecting British General Guy Carleton to advance down Lake Champlain to attack Fort Ticonderoga, commanding General Gates and General St. Claire of Fort Ticonderoga were desperate to obtain information on enemy strength, their progress in constructing an invasion fleet, and troop and Indian movements. So too, General Benedict Arnold was desperately trying to construct a fleet to counter the British advance and needed intelligence on how far along the British were in their attempts to build their fleet. Whitcomb had campaigned with Amherst in the last war and because of his wilderness skills and knowledge of the terrain of northern Lake Champlain and the Richelieu River, he was selected to lead several scouting expeditions deep into enemy territory to gather information, take possible prisoners, and to report back to Ticonderoga. His exploits that demonstrated his courage and meddle in this role are exemplary and deserve a detailed discussion.
“Whitcomb was a presumptuous fellow, entirely devoid of fear, of more than common strength, equal to an Indian for enduring hardship or privation, drank to excess even when in the greatest peril, balls whistling around his head.”
Anonymous Ranger Colleague
Single-handily mortally wounds British Brigadier General Patrick Gordon
Lt. Whitcomb remained in Colonel Bedel’s regiment stationed at Fort Ticonderoga, New York. As to how many men he took with him has been reported by several sources as either one or four, both American and British. No matter which version bears truth, all are in agreement that by the time Whitcomb fired upon General Gordon, he was by himself. To err on caution, it is decided to list four companions. He departed Crown Point on July 14, 1776 with two Americans and two French Canadians. His mission was to gather information on the British army’s strength and progress in constructing a fleet to sail down Lake Champlain to attack Fort Ticonderoga. He and his companions struck out for St. Jean, along the Richelieu river near Montreal. When his band reached the Onion River, present day Winooski River, Colchester, Vermont, they hit a violent storm and waited it out. By July 17, the storm subsided and they resumed. They traveled 20 miles that day before another storm forced them to halt. On the 20th, they set out again and reached the head of Lake Champlain near the Missisquoi Bay. They followed the Richelieu River which drains the lake towards St. Jean. Earlier, one of the Americans had been sent back due to illness. Just as they reached St. Jean, the two Canadians became uneasy and refused to go on. Whitcomb sent them back leaving him with the one American. On the evening of the 20th, they reached a point five miles from St. Jean. By noon the next day, Whitcomb and his companion were on the east bank of the Richelieu River. They lay in wait the rest of the day hoping to take a prisoner but to no avail. The next morning, they saw 30 bateaux floating in the river. Whitcomb noted a large work party was constructing several more boats on the other side of the river. Whitcomb hoped to take a British officer prisoner, but a detachment of soldiers kept close guard.
At this point, Whitcomb decided to head further north along the Richelieu River to Chambly, about 15 miles further north and 16 miles south of Montreal. He and his companion found a canoe and crossed the river to the western shore – at this stage they were about 120 miles into enemy territory. The fort at Chambly had been abandoned and burned by the Americans previously that summer during the American’s retreat from Canada. Whitcomb proceeded carefully, knowing the British had about 3,000 men posted in the area, increasing the chances of his capture. They cautiously traveled along a military road heading towards Montreal. Twice they had to duck into the woods when parties of troops and Native Americans with carts of supplies passed. That evening, while Whitcomb was searching for provisions, his companion deserted. Though left on his own, he remained committed to his mission.
The next morning, July 24, Whitcomb hid in the woods near the road to observe the traffic, choosing a place where a stream of water and deep ravine, or hollow, came near the highway, at a point where a tree had been blown over, leaving the roots turned up. At noon, he spotted a party of mounted British soldiers riding down the road (however the British version states that General Gordon was alone) – a senior officer along with his aides and escort. Without thought, he quickly took aim and fired at the officer, hoping to knock him off his horse. Though mortally wounded, the officer, General Patrick Gordon, was able to stay on his horse and was led away by his party, dying of his wounds on August 1st, eight days later. When later asked if he thought he had killed the officer, Whitcomb said that his “gun never deceived him when aimed at a deer, but as a leaf came in the way of his sight as he fired, he could not be positive, but was sure he struck him as he saw him quiver about the shoulders.” Note that the British version of events states that Gordon was riding alone – either true or to lessen what some Americans deemed a courageous act by Whitcomb who they stated was seeking profit by downing the general to rob him. General Whitcomb, according to John Stark memoirs compiled by Caleb Stark in 1877, stated that he was in headquarters when Whitcomb arrived, after having returned to Ticonderoga, and stated that there were two other officers among Gordon when he took aim and shot. That the general rode off and they dismounted and pursued him on foot.
Whitcomb remained secreted beneath the roots of the tree until the pursuing party rushed past, thinking he had tried to make his escape. As soon as they were out of sight, he passed along the trunk of the fallen tree and into the alders of the ravine. He kept in the stream for some distance before forging into the tangled wilderness. He reportedly retraced his steps back to Chambly where he remained in the St. John’s area for four days counting troops, Native Americans, and noting supplies and such. He was supposedly spotted by one patrol of British regulars, but escaped capture. On July 27th, he began to make his way back to Ticonderoga, traveling along the west side of the Richelieu and Lake Champlain until reaching the fort on Aug. 6th.
“Brigadier General Gordon was dangerously wounded yesterday by one of these infamous Skulkers. … Should he, or any of his party, or any other party of the same Nature come within reach of our Men, it is hoped they will not honor them with a Soldier’s Death, if they can possibly avoid it, but reserve them for a due punishment, which can only be inflicted by the Hangman.” Governor General of Canada, Sir Guy Carleton
At Ticonderoga, Whitcomb learned that he had shot Brigadier General Patrick Gordon, commander of the 29th Regiment of Foot. The British general had apprehended no danger so deep in British territory. He took two balls in the shoulder and stayed in the saddle to make it back to the fort at La Prairie (just outside Montreal), but succumbed to the wounds two days later. The British were in an uproar and complained bitterly to the Americans. General William Phillips ordered that Whitcomb, who had been described, was to be shot or if captured, hanged for his actions. Governor Guy Carleton, thinking that Whitcomb may have found shelter among local residents, immediately put 50 guineas on his head for capture. Whitcomb was labeled an assassin for not observing the rules of war against ambushing and shooting an officer.
The Americans responded that as long as the British employed Indians to ambush and shoot Americans, they were under no obligation not to do likewise. However, Washington was not of the opinion that officers were fair game. In his correspondence to Congress on August 20, 1776, he mentions General Gordon’s killing not as an act of war, but an assassination. “The assassination of Brigadier General Gordon is a fact entirely new to me, in which I never heard of. I shall not trouble congress with my Strictures on this indecent, illiberal, and Scurrilous performance, so highly unbecoming the character of a Soldier and Gentleman”
Aug. 19th, General Gates ordered Whitcomb to travel north again, but this time to gather intelligence and deliver prisoners, not to shoot anyone. Knowing the price on his head and the result if he were captured, Whitcomb accepted the assignment and headed north. Despite bad weather and recurring ague, he completed his mission to gather information, but was unable to bring in prisoners. On Sept. 5th, he departed on his third mission to the Richelieu River area. On Sept. 13th, he hid in the woods in the same area where he had shot Gordon. This time he captured Colonel Skene (not the proprietor of ‘Skenesboro’ later named White Hall, NY), quartermaster of the 29th Regiment along with his aide. According to the British version in a letter written by Aunbury in Montreal, dated June 10, 1777, Skene was warned off the route he’d taken yet “Jocosely remarked that he should be very glad to meet him [Whitcomb] as he was sure he would get the reward. In this however he was greatly mistaken, his reward being no other than that of being taken prisoner himself.” (from John Stark memoirs). Supposedly, Skene had offered Whitcomb a bribe for his release (thinking he was not a soldier), but Whitcomb refused. The persistent ranger spent the next nine days dragging his captives over a hundred miles of rugged wilderness, presenting them to Gates on Sept. 22nd.
Given Command of Rangers
As a result of his prowess as a ranger and scout, General Gates recommended on September 30th to Congress that Whitcomb be given command of two companies of fifty men each of rangers. On October 15, 1776, Congress adopted the following resolution: “That two independent Companies consisting of fifty each, be immediately raised to be commanded by Lieutenant Whitcomb, who should be appointed Captain Commandant – that he nominate the Officers of the said two Companies, who are to be appointed, when approved of by the Com- manding Officer in the Northern Department.” Captain Whitcomb chose Captain George Aldrich to command the other company and they set about recruiting the men. Although the two companies never reached full strength, they were officially designated for service at Fort Ticonderoga on November 27, 1776. Gates wrote to General Schuyler on November 5, 1776 commenting, “Let the tory inhabitants of Tyron County (New York) know that I will send Captain Whitcomb and one hundred men to whip them into obedience the moment they are refractory.” As a footnote, Whitcomb’s former unit, Bedel’s regiment, was disbanded on January 1st, 1777, at Coos, New Hampshire (the title given to the wilderness area of northern New Hampshire and Vermont that bordered Canada) with the ending of soldiers’ enlistments.
1777: British General Burgoyne’s Invasion and Defeat
While Captain Aldrich spent the winter of 1776-1777 recruiting in New Hampshire, Whitcomb remained at Fort Ticonderoga. Whitcomb’s Independent Corps of Rangers fought the first engagement of the Saratoga Campaign in the late spring of 1777 when his scouts came up against Native Americans screening General Johnny Burgoyne’s advance out of Canada. Several times, Whitcomb and his rangers, often with other companies attached, were sent out in pursuit off Indian and Loyalist scouting and raiding parties; the rangers being well known for their own combat wilderness skills.
Historian George Morris’ 1903 address to the New Hampshire Historical Society sums up Whitcomb’s Rangers activities surrounding actions fought during British General Burgoyne’s 1777 push towards Albany. “Until December 31, 1779, Whitcomb’s battalion served at times in each of the following organizations: Col. George Reed’s Second N. H. Regiment, Col. Bedel’s Regiment (though cashiered from the army after the Cedars, he was recommissioned by Congress in Nov. 1777 to raise a militia in Coos, NH), and Maj. Dearborn’s Battalion. When in July, 1777, Burgoyne’s invading army from the North compelled the Americans to abandon Fort Ticonderoga, Whitcomb’s rangers retreated toward Albany with the rest of the Northern Army. In early summer, Capt. George Aldrich of Whitcomb’s rangers was sent to New Hampshire to recruit more men for the battalion. On his return he joined General Stark, then near Bennington, and with the men he had recruited, took quite a prominent part in the battle of Bennington. A portion, at least, of Whitcomb’s rangers were with the Northern Army at Saratoga, and participated in the battles of Stillwater or Bemis Heights, September 19 and October 7, 1777.” Whitcomb’s rangers were in the thick of the fight at Freeman Farm. “We find in the list of companies engaged in the first battle, Major Dearborn’s battalion of infantry, partly made up of Whitcomb’s rangers.” So too were some of Whitcomb’s Rangers involved in the Battle of Hubbardston, July 7, 1777, when General Arthur St. Clair abandoned Fort Ticonderoga and the Continental army escaped through Vermont towards Albany.
1778 – 1781
Besides a few specific engagements, for the remainder of the war, Whitcomb’s Ranger force remained in northern New England in the Vermont, New Hampshire, and upper New York region. They provided a check against any enemy incursions south from Canada and participated in several raids and scouting expeditions into enemy territory, crossing paths with and fighting occasional heated actions with British forces and Native Americans aligned with England.
Cancelled Invasion of Canada
Whitcomb’s Rangers would be an important aspect of a proposed invasion of Canada which never took place. Even after the 1775-1776 invasion of Canada proved disastrous, Congress was still intent on acquiring the 14th colony as their own. In a concocted scheme by Colonel Conway and General Gates, Congress was convinced of the feasibility of another invasion attempt, assigning General Marquis de Lafayette as overall commander. On November 15, 1777, Major Whitcomb was sent to Colonel Bedel, who was at Haverhill, New Hampshire with a message to “engage without delay a regiment of volunteers of five hundred men to capture St. John’s, Canada. Historian Morrison wrote, “The greatest secrecy was enjoined on them and no one was to be acquainted with the object of the expedition except Col Bedel, Lt. Col. Wheelock, and Major Whitcomb. By a later letter dated at Albany, Jan. 29, 1778, from Col. Hazen to Colonel Bedel, it appears that Onion River [Winooski River, near present Burlington, Vermont], was to be the general place of rendezvous for the proposed expedition, to which place Maj. Whitcomb was supposed to accompany Bedel. By a letter from General Conway to Bedel, bearing date at Albany, 15th February, 1778, Bedel was directed to remain with his troops in the Coos region until further orders, which was followed by another letter of similar import the next day, Feb. 16th. The expedition to Canada was finally abandoned by orders from Marquis de Lafayette, and the regiment was ordered to Albany instead.”
Stationed at Rutland, Vermont
In March of 1778, after the abandoned invasion of Canada, Lafayette sent orders to Bedel to keep his men together for general duty at Coos, including Whitcomb’s Rangers, however Whitcomb had moved his force to present day Rutland Vermont. By April of 1779, Colonel Moses Hazen relieved Bedel. Hazen remained at Coos until September when he withdrew leaving only Whitcomb’s Rangers to guard the frontiers of Northern New England. Whitcomb’s rangers were kept busy in scouting expeditions, building forts and highways, and for the general defense of the Connecticut valley frontier. During this time, Whitcomb and most of his rangers were constantly on patrol against marauding British and Native Americans or staging intelligence gathering probes into enemy territory. Their patrols numbered anywhere from two to twenty as they set out into the wilderness, often for days or weeks at a time. It was reported that his men would be “dressed like Indians… or in the Canadian manner” as they combed the backwoods of northern New Hampshire and Vermont.
One such clash between British forces and Whitcomb’s rangers occurred in October, 1779. Major Christopher Carleton, nephew of former Governor-General of Canada, Guy Carleton, set out with 400 men on an expedition on Lake Champlain to burn sources of supplies and mills on both sides of the lake. Carleton noted that several canoes of rangers were constantly in front of his expedition as they made their way up the lake. On a report of a large supply of grain that was stored at Moore’s Mill in Bridport, Vermont, Carleton sent a part of sixty men to burn it. They never reached the mill having encountered a strong detachment of rangers and a sharp skirmish ensued. Eventually, Carleton was forced to retreat back into Canada.
Whitcomb had an eye on Politics
As mentioned, Colonel Moses Hazen relieved Colonel Bedel at Coos (Haverhill) in April, 1779. Before the war, the Green Mountain Boys of Vermont had been fighting an undeclared war against New Hampshire land speculators. Green Mountain Boys’ Ethan Allen (having returned from prison in England) and General John Stark became politically prejudiced against New Hampshire resident Colonel Bedel and raised concerns that he was committing mal-conduct by collecting money and supplies for men not listed on his regiment’s roster. These men, most likely Colonel Hazen as well, used their influence to enact further grief for Bedel. In December, 1779, Whitcomb traveled to Morristown, New Jersey where Washington was headquartered. He delivered a message from Washington dated December 11, 1779 which ordered Colonel Bedel to appear at Morristown before a quart of inquiry concerning charge of mal-conduct in the quartermaster’s and commissary’s departments at Haverhill. No doubt, Whitcomb, who in 1761, had acquire several land grants in Vermont, may have been in agreement with his fellow Vermonters in initiating actions against his regimental commander.
Lone Protector of Northern New England
In the spring of 1780, the rangers commandeered a sawmill and built barracks and a stockade for a fort. Fort Ranger became the headquarters for Vermont troops during the war. Whitcomb was the commander of around 500 men encompassing several companies of militia, Vermont rangers, some of Seth Warner’s Green Mountain Boys (the only other Continental troops in Vermont besides Whitcomb’s rangers). They scouted the entire region protecting settlers from the British and hostile Native Americans. In a letter to General Washington on September 15, General Stark wrote, “The enemy at the Northward have given us no trouble as yet. Major Whitcomb is daily watching their motions…” Besides guarding the frontier, Whitcomb and his men continued the construction of a road to Canada that had been begun in 1777 by General Bayley, a local resident and landowner in Vermont. This became known as the Bayley-Hazen Military road (so too was Colonel Hazen a local landowner) which was to run from Newbury, Vermont, across the river from Haverhill, New Hampshire, to St. Francis, Quebec. As sections of the road were completed, blockhouses would be constructed every ten miles or so and be barracked by rangers in which patrols were sent out. The road got as far north as Hazen’s Notch in northern Vermont, just south of present Jay, Vermont and about 15 miles from the Canadian border.
Throughout 1779 and the early part of 1780, residents of Northern New England were constantly alarmed by rumors of an invasion from Canada into the Connecticut Valley. Whitcomb’s Rangers were the only soldiers on service in the region and were kept constantly busy throughout the winter and spring scouting expeditions to keep a close eye on the enemy. Through casualties, desertions, and enlistments running out, Whitcomb’s force had dwindled considerably. After repeatedly requesting Albany and Exeter (Provincial Assembly for New Hampshire) for assistance, finally, on the twenty-second day of June, 1780, the New Hampshire House of Representatives voted to raise 120 men to be sent to the Western frontier to reinforce Maj. Whitcomb’s Rangers. Two companies, enlisted for six months and commanded by Captains Ephraim Stone and Samuel Runals, were raised for this purpose.
Folklore Surrounding Whitcomb
Whitcomb’s adventures during his years as a ranger were passed down through family generations and remain folklore throughout New Hampshire, some of which have been published. Often, they take the shape of narrow escapes during pursuit by Native Americans and British forces. One involved close pursuit by the enemy who surrounded Whitcomb. He discovered a large hollow tree that had fallen and crawled inside. As the British and native allies searched around him, a spider serendipitously began to spin a web over the entrance he had just crawled through. When the enemy came to the log, they quickly passed seeing the spider’s web covering its opening. After the British cleared out, Whitcomb made his escape. In another pursuit by a band of Native Americans, he dove into a stream and swam underwater for a considerable distance, coming up under a pile of driftwood where he remained with just his face out of the water until his pursuers had passed, before once more escaping capture. Yet another harrow escape detailed his exploits shortly after he shot British General Gordon. While he continued his mission to spy on British forces in the St. John’s area, he found himself surrounded within a picket line and the alarm was sounded. He crawled into some brush and while lying on his back, cut several twigs within reach and covered himself. He laid there throughout the day and at night, crawled away to freedom. Though somewhat rich and perhaps laden with Scottish fiction, the very fact that these tales gained credence, particularly among Whitcomb’s neighbors in New Hampshire, speaks highly of their estimate of his character for bravery.
British raid and attempt to capture Whitcomb
According to the 1978 Rutland Historical Society’s research, “An attempt was made to capture Whitcomb and claim the reward still on his head in October of 1780. A prisoner named Hamilton, who had been on parole at Newbury, had told the British he knew exactly where Whitcomb was. A party of around 300 men composed mostly of Indians set out [October 16] under the command of a Lt. Horton and guided by Hamilton. When they reached the Montpelier area, they were told that Coos and Newbury, Vermont were strongly garrisoned. They decided they were too few to take Whitcomb which probably was a wise decision as New Hampshire had just reinforced Whitcomb’s corps in September. Instead, the raiders turned south through Chelsea and Tunbridge and finally Royalton. They burned much of the settlement, killed a number of inhabitants, and took others prisoner before turning back to Canada.”
Whitcomb Retires
Washington and Congress decided to reorganize the entire army in January, 1781. Orders were sent to Whitcomb from Congress to send his non-commissioned officers and privates to join the Continental Army at Peekskill, New York and the officers were to retire. The orders were not obeyed and on February 25th, thirty of Whitcomb’s Rangers asked that the unit not be disbanded and that they be allowed to remain at Haverhill. On March 12th, the request was rejected and the original orders were repeated. This time the Rangers complied and were drafted into Hazen’s Corps. As of March 12th, the war was over for Whitcomb who found himself a civilian. At the start of the war, Whitcomb had removed his family back to Westmoreland, but now brought them back north to Coos to settle down.
Captured and Escaped
Even though Whitcomb was officially out of the War, there was still a price on his head from having killed General Patrick Gordon. In early May, 1781, an Abenaki chief named Joseph Louis Gill left St. Francis with ten companions. Their purpose was to capture Whitcomb and claim the reward. On May 15, they surprised Whitcomb and Abel Learned near Peacham, New Hampshire and captured them. To prevent them from escaping, Whitcomb and Learned were each tied to one of the Abenaki when night came. The last night before they were to reach St. Francis, Canada, Whitcomb was supposedly tied to Gill. During the night, he managed to escape by taking a canoe that had a gun in it and destroying the others to prevent pursuit. There is evidence that Gill and Whitcomb had known each other before the War and that Gill had freed his old companion. When Whitcomb’s escape was discovered, supposedly Gill forbade the others going after him and said that God meant Whitcomb to live. When the party reached St. Francis, those Abenaki with Gill accused him of becoming frightened of Whitcomb’s threats to burn his house and village and therefore let him escape.
Settles down in Lisbon (Concord) New Hampshire
On October 24, 1782, Whitcomb purchased a full share of land in the township of Concord (Lisbon) New Hampshire of Joseph Burt of Westmoreland, for eight pounds. In the deed, Whitcomb is recorded as a resident of Haverhill, New Hampshire and it is believed he moved his family to Lisbon soon after the purchase. He built the first frame house in Lisbon in 1785 and went on to become one of the town’s most prominent figures and at one time or another, held most of the town’s public offices. He continued his quest for small land purchases and dealt in real estate in the Lisbon area; his name appearing on sixty-four land sales as a grantor or grantee. He and Lydia Howe would have six children, two sons and four daughters, all surviving to adulthood. Benjamin, Jr married Sally Young of Lisbon; Joshua who married Bailey; Lydia who married Ezra Caswell of Lisbon; Azulia who married Rankin; Anna who married Samuel Morris of Lisbon, and Ruth who married Ralph Merry of Bolton, Canada.
Death and Eulogy
Major Benjamin Whitcomb died on July 22, 1828, at the age of 91. He was survived by two of his six children – Anna and Ruth. He was buried next to his wife Lydia, who had died in 1823 at the age of 82. Both are interned in the Salmon Hole Cemetery in Lisbon alongside many of his war-time comrades. Historian Morris has the last word on Whitcomb’s legacy:
“In both lines, as soldier and civilian, Major Whitcomb had no superior. When done with one, he cheerfully took up the duties of the other. In warfare, it is said he never shirked and no enterprise was so arduous, no undertaking so dangerous, but that he was willing to enter upon it. He was as brave as the bravest, and as cunning and crafty as the savage foes with whom he was called to compete. His powers of endurance must have been almost beyond conception. The hardships he encountered, the hairbreadth escapes he passed through, are almost incredible. There was little about him to indicate the stern, fearless qualities of the man. He was honest in all his business transactions, and never for a moment disregarded or trespassed on the rights of others. It seems rather remarkable that a man accustomed as he was to the activity displayed during the war, wont to roam through the forests, subsisting largely, as of necessity he must, on the products of the woods and streams, should immediately settle down to a quiet, peaceful life on a farm at the close of his military career. Yet he did pass through all his years in great good fortune, following and guiding him, without serious injury, to end a long, active, and useful career in the peace and quiet of his home.”
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SOURCES
American Archives, Series Five, Vol. 1, p. 167.
Barbieri, Michael. Benjamin Whitcomb’s Independent Corps of Rangers. Rutland Historical Society, Vol VIII, No. 4, Fall 1978.
Cornelins, Jim. Frontier Partisans: The Rascal Whitcomb – Infamous Skulker https://frontierpartisans.com/12009/rascal-whitcomb/
Fisher, John M. Vermont Historical Magazine: History of Cabot: 1881. Check internet or archives for more info.
Fitzpatrick, John C. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources. 1745-1799 Vol. 5 May, 1776-August 1776. 1931: United States Government Printing Office, Washington, DC.
Morris, George F. Maj. Benjamin Whitcomb, Ranger & Partisan Leader in the Revolution. Proceedings of the New Hampshire Historical Society. Vol. 4 1899-1904. Annual Address at the 81st Annual Meeting: June 10, 1903: Published by the Society, Concord, NH. Page 298- 320.
Stark, John & Stark, Caleb. Memoir and Official Correspondence of General John Stark. 1877: Edson C. Eastman, Concord, New Hampshire.
Tonsetic, Robert L. Special Operations in the American Revolution. 2013: Casemate Get Address
Web Site: Benjamin Whitcomb’s Independent Corps of Rangers: http://www.whitcombs-rangers.com/UNIT%20HISTORY.htm