By John Pezzola
Known as the Battle of the Hook or Gloucester Point, this engagement became the most significant cavalry clash of the American Revolution. If victorious, the British forces could have provided a means for Cornwallis’s army to escape from the siege at Yorktown across the York River. The battle took place on Wednesday, October 3, 1781, at Gloucester Point (also Tyndall’s point), one of the narrowest sections of the York River that was north and across from Yorktown. It involved a contingent of Franco-American forces and Crown forces commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton, who were returning from a foraging mission.
Operations in Virginia
The Crown began conducting operations in Virginia as early as 1779 and achieved some success. This success prompted Supreme Commander Lt. General Clinton to consider additional raids in Virginia and possibly even to occupy the Old Dominion itself. Early raids were instrumental in capturing large quantities of tobacco, ordnance, naval stores, and other supplies.[1] It also interrupted the northern supply line to rebel forces in the south. While Congress ordered Major General Nathaniel Greene south to replace Maj. General Horatio Gates following the August 16, 1780 defeat of his Grand Army at Camden, in October of 1780, Major General Alexander Leslie was dispatched with a raiding force to occupy Hampton Roads. Clinton wanted Leslie to create a base at Portsmouth and harass critical logistical points throughout the Chesapeake. As Leslie advanced into the Old Dominion, panic ensued and prisoners of the Crown were moved to Maryland. As it was, the only defense left in Virginia was a small force commanded by General Baron Von Steuben. Virginia’s defenses were derelict, and the colony found itself in a precarious state. “Jefferson continued to neglect the state’s defenses in favor of expeditions to the west – a policy that would cost Virginia dear and see him replaced as governor.”[2]
Following the defeat of a Loyalist force at King’s Mountain, October 7, 1780, which cost British commander General Charles Cornwallis about 1,500 militia soldiers, Cornwallis ordered Leslie to bring his men into the Carolinas to support his operations. On January 1, 1781, British Major-General Benedict Arnold was deployed to the Chesapeake Bay with 1,500 troops to continue raiding the region. Clinton had ordered Arnold to destroy supplies and cause havoc, hoping to prompt General Greene to withdraw from the Carolinas to protect Virginia. If Greene left Virginia, Cornwallis could conduct operations with relative ease.[3] Arnold was able to move about 70 miles up the James River, despite losing half his horses in a storm and fighting a minor engagement. Once ashore, he marched his force about thirty-three miles in the dark until he reached Richmond, Virginia, on January 5, 1781.
The state assembly of Virginia was surprised by the appearance of Arnold’s forces and fled, including the governor who hid himself in the woods. Jefferson was issued an ultimatum that he never received or failed to respond to, while the British raided and plundered the areas around Richmond, sparing the capital. Arnold had all military stores and food eliminated and allowed Loyalists safe passage. Fires broke out, destroying several public buildings. It was never known whether the fires were intentionally set. Lieutenant-Colonel John Graves Simcoe was dispatched by Arnold seven miles up the James River to Westham, Virginia. Simcoe’s orders were to destroy a foundry that forged cannons. With the arrival of additional British forces, they destroyed tobacco, shot, fuses, hemp, rope, canvas, and French musket locks.[4]
British and American Armies Reinforced
Spring 1781 had arrived and additional Crown forces were deployed to the state of Virginia. By April, Major General William Phillips commanded about 2,500 troops and conducted raids up the James River towards Petersburg. Any rebel resistance encountered was easily suppressed as they continued toward the capital. To try and stem the tide of the Crown forces juggernaut, General George Washington dispatched a small but disciplined force under the command of Major General Marquis de Lafayette. The Frenchman advanced to to Head of Elk where the Marquis awaited French ships to provide reinforcements and transport him to Portsmouth, Virginia. Unfortunately for the allies, the Royal Navy sailed out from the Chesapeake and met the French. Though the French fleet bested the British at the Battle of Cape Henry, March 16, 1781, the French commander Admiral Charles Destouches failed to see his advantage and returned to Newport, RI. Lafayette was forced to march his men south and link up with Von Steuben’s small army.
By May 20, 1781, Cornwallis’ command arrived in Petersburg, Virginia, weary and exhausted. Cornwallis joined British troops in Virginia and received reinforcements from New York, bringing his command to approximately 7,000 personnel. Cornwallis’s goal was now to eliminate Lafayette’s command in Virginia and seize control of the state. However, Lafayette sought a Fabian strategy[5] to avoid a direct engagement with Cornwallis’s superior army. The British were in pursuit of Lafayette as he retreated north of Richmond. Lafayette looked for refuge in the Wilderness just south of the Rapidan River.[6] Cornwallis’s frustration grew as he realized he could not entice Lafayette into a pitched battle. Therefore, the British commander issued orders to Lt. Colonel Banastre Tarleton to take his Legion and conduct a raid in the vicinity of Charlottesville, Virginia.
As Tarleton set out to conduct his raid, Cornwallis received orders from Clinton to deploy approximately 3,000 troops to New York City, as Clinton feared that the allies might strike the city. At the same time, Cornwallis was also tasked with searching for a deep-water port that would accommodate vessels of the Royal Navy. With his army in a weakened state, Cornwallis occupied the port of Yorktown, a relatively insignificant town. The Crown was now on a course that would spell disaster. Washington, on the other hand, was aware of the situation and had studied its possible strategic implications. Washington always aspired to take New York; however, an opportunity arose in Virginia. The American Commander-in-Chief, along with French pressure to march toops to the Chesapeake, decided to turn his attention to the Old Dominion colony.[7]
Washington Marches Toward Yorktown
A joint Franco-American force was preparing to deploy to Virginia. Washington deemed it prudent to rely on assistance from the French Navy, commanded by Admiral François de Grasse, which was operating in the West Indies. De Grasse had already decided to sail his fleet to the Chesapeake and Washington needed him to block any British reinforcements that could support Cornwallis by sea. He planned to leave a small force in New York and possibly stage a demonstration against the British garrison in Manhattan while leading the bulk of his force to the Yorktown Peninsula to trap Cornwallis. On August 19, 1781, the Franco-American Army began its 400-mile march from New York to Virginia.[8] Cornwallis was aware of his precarious situation and prepared to fortify his position at Yorktown, which sat on the York River, a vast estuary approximately half a mile across that feeds into Chesapeake Bay. In addition to fortifying Yorktown, Cornwallis also strengthened Gloucester Point, a narrow strip of land known as the Hook.[9]
Gloucester Point Occupied & Fortified
Cornwallis wasted no time constructing redoubts and earthworks in preparation for the combined armies of Washington and the French. On September 5, 1781, at the Battle of the Capes, De Grasse soundly defeated the British fleet under Admiral Samuel Graves. Graves was too far damaged to effect another battle and on September 9th, sailed for New York City, leaving the French fleet in control of the Chesapeake. Cornwallis lost his naval assets and hopes of resupply and additional manpower. Isolated, the ability to forage effectively was vital to Cornwallis’s Army. The British commander’s position worsened for on September 28, 1781, the arrival of the Franco-American force at Yorktown marked a significant moment in the Revolutionary War. Cornwallis found himself in a vulnerable situation, trapped on the southern bank of the river, he had no avenue of escape or source of food or ammunition.
In response, Washington tightened the noose and adopted a containment strategy along the northern Hook (or Gloucester Point), assigning Brigadier General George Weedon to lead the Virginia militia in this crucial task.[10] Weedon brought valuable combat experience as a member of the Third Virginia Regiment of the Continental Army. After participating in battles in Pennsylvania and New Jersey and achieving the rank of Brigadier General, Weedon returned home to command a brigade of Virginia militia. Accompanying Weedon was 22-year-old John Mercer, also a veteran of the 3rd Virginia. Mercer established a battalion of Continental Army veterans numbering approximately 200. They were known as the “Grenadier Regiment” and were attached to Lauzun’s French Legion.
The British conducted foraging expeditions to Gloucester Point, and Weedon was deployed there to hinder any Crown forces encountered during these operations. The farms in Gloucester County provided British foraging parties with abundant fodder and food, thereby prompting frequent raids in the area. Two small roads led north from the British encampment, thereby enabling Crown forces to conduct foraging operations farther into the interior. To the west, a well-traveled wagon road ran alongside the York River, passing by Seawell’s Plantation. The main highway connected the British encampment directly to Botetourt Town, now known as Gloucester Courthouse, approximately twelve miles to the north.
The Crown forces on Gloucester Point were under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Dundas. Dundas put his men to work constructing a line of defensive works that stretched across a narrow piece of Gloucester Point.[11] The defensive works consisted of four redoubts along with sporadic artillery batteries that were manned by elite units of the army. Dundas’ command consisted of the following: Hessian Jager Corps riflemen under the command of Captain Johann Ewald, elements of the 80th Regiment of Foot, and Lieutenant Colonel John Graves Simcoe’s Queens Rangers.
Weedon Replaced by the Marquis de Choisy
In the meantime, Weedon’s command had now fallen under the newly arrived French General Claude Gabriel, Marquis de Choisy. Choisy now led all allied forces present on the Hook. Choisy’s forces consisted of Armand-Louis de Gontaut Duc de Lauzun’s Legion, French Marines, Weedon’s Virginia Militia, and Lauzun’s Legion that consisted of Hussars,[13] Grenadiers,[14] Chasseurs,[15] and artillery – 2 two-pounders.[16] Lauzun was undoubtedly a nobleman who led an aristocratic life, driven by a desire for glory. The Legion he commanded was a diverse formation comprising individuals from Switzerland, Russia, Sweden, the Netherlands, Poland, and Germany. German was designated as the official language of the Legion. This elite unit exhibited the spirited enthusiasm known as “élan,” which was well reflected in their uniforms. The Hussar contingent wore short powder blue tunics adorned with elaborate piping. Their headgear included a mitre, and they styled their hair in tight braids, complemented by “large mustachios on their upper lip, and very large whiskers,” according to Militiaman Enoch Breedon.[17]As a formidable force, they were equipped with a variety of weapons, including carbines, pistols, sabers, and lances, , which were reserved for Lauzun’s second squadron of Hussars.[18]
As he observed the developments from the earthworks at the Point, Captain Ewald felt a grudging respect for the French troops. Jaeger considered themselves well-disciplined and professional soldiers, believing that “when these soldiers are properly led, everything goes well with them” [19] Initially, Weedon had been instructed not to initiate a general engagement; however, Choisy was eager to test their capabilities. Meanwhile, Crown forces were conducting foraging raids north of Gloucester Point, thereby exerting pressure on the French cavalry responsible for anti-raiding operations.[20]
Battle
On the morning of October 3, Dundas decided to advance northward from the Hook with several detachments under his command. Dundas was overseeing a foraging operation, and the men were focused on gathering as many food supplies as possible. His command included infantry and a detachment of Banastre Tarleton’s mounted Dragoons, equipped with several wagons to load the foraged supplies.[21] Dunda’s force consisted of the following:
- British Legion Cavalry
- 17th Light Dragoons
- Light Company of the 82nd Foot
- 23rd Regiment of Foot
- Queen’s Rangers
- Forage Wagons and two 9-pounders from the redoubt.
Earlier, Dundas had issued orders to Jager Captain Ewald to move forward with his Jagers and a contingent of the Queen’s Rangers to set up an ambush against any allied forces in the area. The Jagers and Rangers spread out to create a screen around Seawell’s and Whiting’s plantations.
Dundas’s command moved about three miles north and was able to locate a field consisting of stands of plentiful corn. As the fatigue parties were loading the corn into the wagons, the Dragoons provided security. At around 10:00 AM, the wagons were loaded and ready for the trip back to the lines at the Hook. Ewald’s screening force received orders to slowly fall back. He reported sightings of the enemy in the vicinity. As Ewald retreated, more enemy troops were encountered. Tarleton passed a house near the road that belonged to Mrs. Elizabeth Seawell Whiting; her dead husband was John Whiting, Virginia’s former commissioner of the Virginia Navy.[22] Dunda’s column marched south, and Tarleton stopped in front of the house to speak with her, communicating that he was hoping to run into Duc de Lauzun sooner than later. The infantry provided security for the wagon train, therefore Tarleton’s dragoons brought up the rear guard. The legionnaire commander decided to position his men for possible ambush. It was not long before Tarleton spotted a contingent of mounted Virginia militia and unleashed a volley in their direction. The Virginians turned and scattered, running into Lauzun’s hussars. Lauzun, without wasting any time, spurred his men into action.[23]
Meanwhile, knowing French cavalry were operating in the area, Lt. Allen Cameron, leading a group of Legion cavalry bringing up the rear, kept a keen lookout. He caught sight of a large dust cloud in the distance and immediately understood its meaning. He rode to Tarleton and reported the French arrival. Tarleton welcomed the news and immediately prepared his men to act.[24] The young dragoon had at his disposal the Legion’s cavalry, the British 17th Light Dragoons, as well as mounted Hussars from Simcoe’s Queen’s Rangers. Tarleton formed his mounted force in a line along the tree line facing the open field. The land in front of Tarleton’s force was basically an open meadow whose; the soil depleted after years of growing tobacco. The field was treeless and covered in native grass, an ideal spot for a mounted engagement.[25]
To be sure of his adversary’s location, Tarleton accompanied a reconnaissance party sent out on a scouting mission. As the reconnaissance was conducted, the French cavalry advanced along the road. Lauzun was passing a farmhouse when he noticed a woman standing in the doorway. The women provided Lauzun with intelligence that Tarleton rode by not that long ago. As Lauzun advanced, he heard the clash of arms up ahead. His advance guard had encountered Tarleton’s cavalry in the open field; the two having engaged each other with musketry. Lauzun was eager to attack Tarleton and rode forward as quickly as possible. The two sides became locked in a fight, wielding pistols as they fired upon each other. However, the bulk of Tarleton’s mounted force was still formed amidst the tree line. [26]
Lauzun, desperate to get into the fight, charged into the open field. Tarleton immediately spotted Lauzun and spurred his mount in the same direction. Both men raced towards each other at full gallop. While charging, Tarleton raised his flintlock pistol at his foe; however, a lance was thrown by a Hussar, striking a fellow dragoon’s horse, who bucked and collided into Tarleton’s horse, dismounting him. Tarleton rose to his feet and, without sustaining injury, noticed Lauzun galloping towards him. Immediately, Tarleton’s men rushed toward him and formed a circle around their leader, depriving his adversary of his capture.[27] Tarleton left the area without a scratch, but his horse became a prize of Lauzun’s.
Watching their leader barely avoid captured, the main body of the Legion cavalry rode into the field on their own accord. The French Hussars and their British counterparts became locked into a melee. The two sides engaged in small-group combat across the field. The Cavalrymen clashed, firing their pistols and carbines while others slashed with sabers and thrust their lances. The field was covered in smoke and the sounds of horses trampling and men shouting. Along the northern end of the field, Mercer’s Virginian Grenadiers were forming. Colonel Mercer had noticed Lauzun’s men falling back. The Frenchman’s mounted forces were cantering to the rear, looking to reform ranks. While doing so, Mercer’s Grenadiers, numbering around 160, fired in a massive volley, tearing into the British Legion cavalry still in the field. Though the Virginian volley was effective, by all accounts, the French were badly mauled from the melee with Tarleton’s force.
While covering Lauzun’s force, Mercer’s men now faced a new threat. Tarleton ordered about forty or so infantrymen to find their way through the brush and flank the Virginians from the left.[28] Half of Mercer’s force was positioned behind a fence and fired into the dragoons, who were still in the field about 250 yards or so from Mercer’s position. The Virginians were thrown into battle and immediately reacted to the situation as opposed to pondering it. They poured fire into the flanks of Tarleton’s infantry picking their way through a wood lot to flank Mercer’s Grenadiers. Mercer’s battalion maintained a steady rate of fire from approximately 150 yards, but ammunition was running low. Casualties mounted; however, the Grenadiers held firm in the most gallant effort, keeping Tarleton’s men at bay.[29] At this point, Lauzun had rallied his Hussars and they charged from the woods, thundering across the field. The French made the most spectacular advance, consisting of eight troops of about three hundred men altogether. Tarleton’s Legion were in no condition to receive such a powerful foe, for Mercer’s Grenadiers had seriously mauled them. He ordered his troops to fall back. Despite sporadic skirmishing, there was no significant engagement following the previous encounter. Tarleton attempted to draw the French into an ambush, but they did not take the bait.[30]
Tarleton Calls off the Attack
Tarleton’s supply train had arrived at Gloucester Point. Therefore, he saw no reason to continue engaging the Franco-American force and broke off the engagement. The Hussars pursued and Captain Johann Ewald’s Jagers positioned to cover Tarleton’s retreat. Ewald was supported by about one hundred mounted loyalists from the Queen’s Rangers. Tarleton vacated the area while Ewald and the Rangers skirmished with the allied force. With the British forces once more aligned with Crown forces at Gloucester, the engagement was broken off.[31] Afterwards, Captain Ewald gave his summation of events, stating “that the British Legion had gone into action in a disorganized manner, and that the French took too long to launch a counterattack…One perceives from this action,” he wrote, “how disorder and delay can spoil the game.” [32]
Choisy wrote a report to Washington from Seawell’s Ordinary stating: “I have the honour to inform you that by our arrival at Saoul’s Tavern we have met with the ennemi who was in number about 500 me Cavalry and Infantry, that the Cavalry of the Duc of Lauzun has attached them, pierced through and that we have 30 men killed or wounded The 200 men grenadier Americans who were the only Infantry advanced enough to have part in the affair and who was at the head of the Infantry of the ennemi. T’is a general report that Tarleton has been wounded. The ennemi have retired to Gloucester and we are quickly in our Camp where I expect you will join tomorrow as we have al. Agreed I have the honour to be your Most humble servant.[33]
Casualties and Aftermath
In terms of casualties, Mercer reported that his company of Grenadier sustained two men dead and eleven wounded. Lauzun’s hussars suffered three dead and around sixteen wounded. As for Tarleton, he noted that the Legion suffered one officer and eleven men killed and injured, as well as some personnel who the French took prisoner.[34]
The British foraging party had accomplished their mission, for the wagons had made their way back to the lines at Gloucester. However, Washington viewed the battle as a “brilliant success.” “Strategically speaking,” he wrote, “the combat was most significant. Dundas’s command was now tightly corked on Gloucester Point, making foraging beyond their defensive lines no longer feasible.” [35] In addition, Cornwallis’s lines of communications were now severed “with the open country to the north.” [36] Any possible escape was now impossible for Cornwallis, who was sealed off. The day after the engagement at the Hook, Choisy’s force was within a mile of the entrenchments at Gloucester.
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Resources & Endnotes
[1] (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 16 – 17. Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 26 – 27. Benedict Arnold to Henry Clinton, January 21, 1781. (Edited by K.G. Davies) Documents of the American Revolution, Vol. 20 (Dublin: Irish University Press, 1979). Arnold, Benedict to Cornwallis, Charles, May 16, 1781, Saberton, Ian. Cornwallis Papers Uckfield, East Sussex: The Naval and Military Press, Ltd. 4:15.)
[2] (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 16 – 17. Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 26 – 27. Benedict Arnold to Henry Clinton, January 21, 1781. (Edited by K.G. Davies) Documents of the American Revolution, Vol. 20 (Dublin: Irish University Press, 1979). Arnold, Benedict to Cornwallis, Charles, May 16, 1781, Saberton, Ian. Cornwallis Papers Uckfield, East Sussex: The Naval and Military Press, Ltd. 4:15.)
[3] (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 16 – 17.)
[4] (Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 30 – 31. Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 14 – 15. Cecere, Michael. The Invasion of Virginia, 1781. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Publishing, 2017. p. 26 – 28. Simcoe, John Graves. A Journal of the Operations of the Queen’s Rangers: From the end of 1777 to the conclusion of the late American War. New Haven, Connecticut: Arcadia Press, 2018, p. 105 – 109. )
[5] The Fabian strategy is a military tactic of wearing down a stronger enemy by avoiding direct, pitched battles and instead using harassment, skirmishes, and disrupting supply lines, effectively waging a “war of attrition” where time favors the defender. Named after Roman general Quintus Fabius Maximus, who used it against Hannibal, it relies on patience, endurance, and exploiting the enemy’s long supply lines, as famously employed by General Washington to preserve his army.
[6] (Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 30 – 31. Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 14 – 15. Cecere, Michael. The Invasion of Virginia, 1781. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Publishing, 2017. p. 26 – 28. Simcoe, John Graves. A Journal of the Operations of the Queen’s Rangers: From the end of 1777 to the conclusion of the late American War. New Haven, Connecticut: Arcadia Press, 2018, p. 105 – 109. )
[7] (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 16 – 17. Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 26 – 27. Benedict Arnold to Henry Clinton, January 21, 1781. (Edited by K.G. Davies) Documents of the American Revolution, Vol. 20 (Dublin: Irish University Press, 1979). Arnold, Benedict to Cornwallis, Charles, May 16, 1781, Saberton, Ian. Cornwallis Papers Uckfield, East Sussex: The Naval and Military Press, Ltd. 4:15.)
[8] (Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 30 – 31. Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 14 – 15. Cecere, Michael. The Invasion of Virginia, 1781. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Publishing, 2017. p. 26 – 28. Simcoe, John Graves. A Journal of the Operations of the Queen’s Rangers: From the end of 1777 to the conclusion of the late American War. New Haven, Connecticut: Arcadia Press, 2018, p. 105 – 109. )
[9] (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 16 – 17. Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 26 – 27. Benedict Arnold to Henry Clinton, January 21, 1781. (Edited by K.G. Davies) Documents of the American Revolution, Vol. 20 (Dublin: Irish University Press, 1979). Arnold, Benedict to Cornwallis, Charles, May 16, 1781, Saberton, Ian. Cornwallis Papers Uckfield, East Sussex: The Naval and Military Press, Ltd. 4:15.)
[10](Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 30 – 31. Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 14 – 15. Cecere, Michael. The Invasion of Virginia, 1781. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Publishing, 2017. p. 26 – 28. Simcoe, John Graves. A Journal of the Operations of the Queen’s Rangers: From the end of 1777 to the conclusion of the late American War. New Haven, Connecticut: Arcadia Press, 2018, p. 105 – 109. )
[11] (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 16 – 17. Maass, John R. The Road to Yorktown: Jefferson, Lafayette, and The British Invasion of Virginia. Charleston, South Carolina: History Press, 2017. p. 26 – 27. Benedict Arnold to Henry Clinton, January 21, 1781. (Edited by K.G. Davies) Documents of the American Revolution, Vol. 20 (Dublin: Irish University Press, 1979). Arnold, Benedict to Cornwallis, Charles, May 16, 1781, Saberton, Ian. Cornwallis Papers Uckfield, East Sussex: The Naval and Military Press, Ltd. 4:15.) Davis, Burke. The Campaign That Won America: The Story of Yorktown. Eastern National, 2009. p. 204 – 207.
[12] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 144 – 145.) (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 40 – 41.) “Narrative of the Duke de Lauzun,” Magazine of American History, 6 (January, 1881), pp. 52 – 53). The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25. Davis, Burke. The Campaign That Won America: The Story of Yorktown. Eastern National, 2009. p. 204 – 207.
[13] Hussars: A hussar is a member of a European light-cavalry unit used for scouting; the hussars were modeled on the 15th-century Hungarian light-horse corps. The brilliantly colored Hungarian hussar’s uniform was imitated in other European armies; it consisted of a busby (high, cylindrical cloth cap), a jacket with heavy braiding, and a dolman (loose coat worn hanging from the left shoulder).
[14] Grenadiers: Originally named for a company within a regiment who carried grenades into battle, by the mid-1700’s they no longer were assigned grenades. Instead, the flank company (the other flank company of the regiment was light-infantry) became an elite fighting unit of large men – six feet or taller. Where the average height of a man was around 5’ 7”, when topped with a tall bonnet or hat, these ‘giant’ Grenadiers armed and charging with muskets and 17” bayonets were a force to be reckoned with.
[15] Chasseur: A chasseur (French for “hunter”) in the army refers to specialized light infantry or cavalry units trained for rapid movement, scouting, and skirmishing, historically in the French and Belgian armies, comparable to British riflemen. They were known for marksmanship and operating ahead of main forces.
[16] Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 62 – 63.
[17] (Pension Application of Enoch Breeden, King William County militia, S1747, National Archives, Washington, DC. PowerPoint Presentation. Retrieved on 12/14/25)
[18] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 44 – 45.) (Gara, Donald J. The Queen’s American Rangers. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Press: 2015. p. 316 – 317.) (McIntyre, James R. Johann Ewald: Jager Commander. New York: Knox Press, 2020. p. 242 – 243.)
[19] (Ewald, Johann. Captain. Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 1979. p. 329 – 331). Davis, Burke. The Campaign That Won America: The Story of Yorktown. Eastern National, 2009. p. 204 – 207.
[20] (Gara, Donald J. The Queen’s American Rangers. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Press: 2015. p. 316 – 317.) (McIntyre, James R. Johann Ewald: Jager Commander. New York: Knox Press, 2020. p. 242 – 243.)
[21] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 44 – 45.) Davis, Burke. The Campaign That Won America: The Story of Yorktown. Eastern National, 2009. p. 204 – 207. A history of the campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the southern provinces of North America, by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton
[22] Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 144 – 145.) (Gara, Donald J. The Queen’s American Rangers. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Press: 2015. p. 316 – 317.) A history of the campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the southern provinces of North America, by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton
[23] (Lauzun, Duc De. Armand Louis de Gontaut, duc de Biron. Memoirs of the Duc De Lauzun. New York: Sturgis and Walton Company. 1912. p. 320 – 322.) The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25.
[24] (Lauzun, Duc De. Armand Louis de Gontaut, duc de Biron. Memoirs of the Duc De Lauzun. New York: Sturgis and Walton Company. 1912. p. 320 – 322.)(Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, pp. 44–45. (Ewald, Johann. Captain. Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 1979. p. 329 – 331) Davis, Burke. The Campaign That Won America: The Story of Yorktown. Eastern National, 2009. p. 204 – 207.
[25] (Lauzun, Duc De. Armand Louis de Gontaut, duc de Biron. Memoirs of the Duc De Lauzun. New York: Sturgis and Walton Company. 1912. p. 320 – 322.)(Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, pp. 44–45. (Ewald, Johann. Captain. Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 1979. p. 329 – 331)
[26] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, pp. 144–145. (Weedon to Washington, October 2, 1781, Washington Papers, vol. 185, Library of Congress.)
[27] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, pp. 144–145. (Weedon to Washington, October 2, 1781, Washington Papers, vol. 185, Library of Congress.)
[28] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 144 – 145.) (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 40 – 41.) “Narrative of the Duke de Lauzun,” Magazine of American History, 6 (January, 1881), pp. 52 – 53). The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25.Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 144 – 145.) (Gara, Donald J. The Queen’s American Rangers. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Press: 2015. p. 316 – 317.) A history of the campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the southern provinces of North America, by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton
[29] (Ewald, Johann. Captain. Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 1979. p. 328 – 330)
[30] (Ewald, Johann. Captain. Diary of the American War: A Hessian Journal. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 1979. p. 328 – 330)The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25.
[31] The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25.
[32] (Ewald in https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/article/battle-of-the-hook-cavalry-clash. )
[33] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 144 – 145.) (Morrissey, Brendan. Yorktown, 1781: The World Turned Upside Down. London: Osprey Publishing, 1997. p. 40 – 41.) “Narrative of the Duke de Lauzun,” Magazine of American History, 6 (January, 1881), pp. 52 – 53). The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25.Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 144 – 145.) (Gara, Donald J. The Queen’s American Rangers. Yardley, Pennsylvania: Westholme Press: 2015. p. 316 – 317.) A history of the campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the southern provinces of North America, by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton
[34] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 144 – 145.) The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25.
[35] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 149.)
[36] (Greene, Jerome A. The Guns of Independence: The Siege of Yorktown, 1781. El Dorado Hills, California: Savas Beatie, 2013, p. 149.) The Battle of the Hook: Battle of The Hook – Telling The Story of Gloucester’s Past. Retrieved, 12/21/25.