August 18, 1780 American victory. Whenever large partisan militia forces collided, the struggle tended to be brutal and vicious. It had to be. It was personal. By 1780 the patriot and crown factions morphed into a bloody civil war. Mostly the antagonists formed into small raiding parties that attacked without warning. They killed and destroyed all within reach before fading into swamps and thick forests. Often these incursions stemmed from past feuds or satiated animosities between former neighbors. When militiamen did gather in larger numbers under proven leaders, each side of the conflict, both British and American, also came together. Their goal; to attack and destroy their opponent before they could unite with the main army.
Musgrove Mill was one such battle. A large gathering of Tory militia and loyalist regulars had answered the call to join British Major Patrick Ferguson’s corps of loyalist partisans. They were attacked by patriot militiamen, many wilderness fighters from the west, that had joined to prevent this from happening. The fight was savage, unforgiving, and raged for an hour. But with an intensity rarely seen in the war. More akin to unleashing the hounds of war against a band of raving berserks, it left a trail of hatred; fuel that drove each side to merciless reprisals that would carry on throughout and even beyond the war.
Lead Up to Battle
The Battle of Musgrove Mill was named for the family that had built a grist mill on the Enoree River in South Carolina, about fifty miles south of the North Carolina border. One hour before sunset, on August 17th, forty-odd miles northeast of Musgrove Mill[1], near Smith Ford on the Broad River, two hundred “picked men well mounted” rode out of the rebel camp of North Carolina militia leader General Joseph McDowell.
Most, beside a portion of South Carolina and Georgia militiamen, were wilderness settlers, from the far western regions of eastern Tennessee. Over the Mountain Men or as the British called them, Backwater Men. They were lean, hard frontiersmen, dressed in hides and hemp who carved settlements out of an unforgiving wilderness. Desperate armed struggles were nothing new to men who had been feuding with Native American Creek and Cherokee for years. And in their saddle bags were grove-bored Kentucky Long Rifles[2] Crack shots, who could pick a squirrel out of a tree at two hundred yards.
General McDowell’s scouts had reported a force of around 200 loyalists stationed to guard the ford at Musgrove Mill. The goal of these hardy men was to hit them. Hit them hard as an example for other Tory militia who were considering joining the British. But it was not the appearance of the British army that drew these men east over the mountains; most had no concern either way who governed as long as they were left alone. But it was one man. One officer in particular, Major Patrick Ferguson, inventor of the breech loading rifle. He took it upon himself to threaten harm and destruction to all who did not take the oath of allegiance to their king. And for men who forged a life doing as they damn well pleased, they would have none of it.
For some months, Major Ferguson had been actively recruiting his growing partisan corps throughout the western Carolinas, from the Piedmont to the Blue mountains. The rebels knew Ferguson and most of his men would be camped within a few miles from the route they would take. Therefore, they had to ride swift and silent and throughout the dead of night, covering the forty-odd miles before daybreak. But they were confident. Their leaders were among the best. Colonel Isaac Shelby of eastern Tennessee fronted his mountain men. Leading the South Carolina militia and those of Georgia were Colonel Elijah Clarke and Major Samuel Hammond. Colonels James Williams[3] and William Brandon new the country well and acted as guides.
They kept to the woods until fully dark, then followed a trail well known to the scouts. According to Colonel Shelby they never halted, keeping their mounts to a canter throughout the night. The discipline of the march was equal to any company of European dragoons. Streams and rivers, small and large, were forded without pause; from Broad River to Gilkey Creek, Thicketty Creek, across the Pacolet River, Fairforest Creek, through the Tyger River until just before dawn, they emerged at the Enoree ford undetected. The enemy was camped on the other side of the river only half a mile distant.
Six scouts were sent by a circuitous route to cross the river and reconnoiter. They took care as they drew near the loyalist camp. After determining what they could, they turned to retrace their path. Along a ridge, they ran into a patrol of five men returning to camp. Fire erupted. One Tory was killed, two fell from their mounts wounded, and the other two galloped back to camp.[4] Of the scouts, with two slightly wounded, they tore off to cross the river a half mile up from the ford where their comrades were waiting.
Preparation for Battle
At about the same time the scouts reported their observations, a local resident showed up at the loyalist camp to disclose unwelcomed information that the loyalists had been reinforced.[5] The previous night Colonel Alexander Innes, overall commander, had arrived from the British stockade Ninety-six with 200 Tory Regulars that included the New Jersey 3rd Battalion Light Company Volunteers, led by Capt. Peter Cambell, and De Lancey’s New York Battalion, led by Capt. James Kerr. These men were outfitted and trained like British regulars and were veterans from northern conflicts.[6] An additional 100 mounted South Carolina loyalist militia were among them commanded by Major Thomas Fraser. So too a dozen or so militiamen from South Carolina were led by David Fanning, ruthless partisan fighter. These new arrivals were on their way to join Major Patrick Ferguson. This now brought the Tory number to 500 instead of the original 200. There would be no thought to retreating. They had been found out and their horses were worn out. The rebels would have to fight.
With three strong commanders at the patriot helm, there was no apparent commander of the small force. Unlike Continentals or King’s Men, in which there was a strict structure of command, militia leaders tended to work in consensus when preparing for action. The original plan for a direct attack was scrapped. Their only hope was to defend themselves.[7] Accordingly, horses were placed under guard at the rear.[8] They then went to work along a ridge up from the ford. A defensive barrier of branches and hastily cut logs, breast high in some places, in the shape of a semi-circle, about 300 yards long, stretched along the ridge and crossed the road that led to Musgrove’s ford. Colonel Shelby commanded the right, Colonel Williams the center, and Colonel Clarke on the left. Behind Clarke were forty men held in reserve. Twenty horsemen were positioned on each flank in the woods, concealed from view.
The patriot militia were ready. Now how to commit the enemy to cross the ford and stage a frontal attack. Captain Shadrach Inman, partisan fighter from Georgia had the answer. He and twenty-five horsemen would be the bait.[9] He would cross the Enoree, engage the enemy, feign confusion and retreat while maintaining contact, drawing the foe across the river and into the defensive semicircle where the main rebel force waited with orders not to fire until the British were almost on top of them. Shelby would fire first to give the signal. Inman and his riders performed to perfection.[10]
The Battle
Inman’s horse charged the loyalists who, due to the earlier encounter with the first scouts, were ready. The rebels quickly withdrew, only to charge each wing as the loyalists followed on their heels. Again and again until Inman’s men reached the Enoree. They quickly forded the stream and drew up along the rebel line’s flank. The British crossed and formed into three wings; regulars on the left[11], with militia center and right, then came on. At 150 yards they fired volleys by section. The effort was ineffectual. The musket range was too far for much damage, as often is the case, the shot went high, tearing through the upper branches of the trees. Well disciplined in 18th tactics, the loyalist line trailed arms and advanced the American line in open order.[12]
The mountain men and Carolina farmers had “taken their tree” as ordered and waited patiently. Officers combed the line, reminding both riflemen and musketeers to reserve their fire until Colonel Shelby fired, and “then to take his object, sure.”[13] As the regulars neared the silent American line, convinced from previous encounters with militia that these “rebels cannot stand for shot,” cried “Huzzah for King George,” and with fixed bayonets, charged, drawing the loyalist militia with them.
At 70 yards Shelby’s rifle belched. And was answered with a massive explosion along the entire rebel line that covered the field in thick smoke. Captain Hammond wrote that “the ranks were thinned.”[14] The loyalist’s line was staggered. The advance halted. But only momentarily. The regulars had faced massive volleys before. They were led by competent veterans. The regulars quickly reformed and with Colonel Innes leading the charge on his steed, charged bayonet against the rebel left under Shelby. So too the loyalist militia regrouped, but were more hesitant in their advance as the battle began to rage in volley for volley.
Though rifle’s advantage in accuracy over the musket is huge, rifle take longer to reload and cannot fix bayonets. Innes’ regulars rushed the mountain men as they hastened to reload. The semicircle bent back along the right as Shelby’s men gave way. However, those mountain men lined up in the center along with Carolina and Georgia militiamen that reached to the far left of the line firm against the attacking Tory militia. Though thinned by the initial volley, nearly 200 regulars were about to swarm the fifty or so riflemen holding the right. If they were to be flanked, the entire rebel line could crumble. This was the critical moment. Defeat was moments away.
Every battle has that moment. Where victory or loss hung by a thread. A crisis where a superior officer sees what is needed and acts instantly to turn the tide in their favor. Or fails because of ineptness or cowardice. Colonel John Eager Howard at Cowpens, Jan. 17, 1781, had his moment, when a fatal retreat was turned into a devastating volley that paralyzed the attacking British, instantly followed by a bayonet charge that carried the day for the Americans. Or at Hobkirk’s Hill, April 25, 1781, when Colonel John Gunby’s regiment began to falter, rather than ordering the men back in line, he retired the entire regiment, the chain reaction caved in the American line leading to total defeat. For Howard it was brilliance. For Gunby, it was a court-martial. And this day, for Colonel Isaac Clarke of Wilkes County Georgia, it was brilliance.
During thundering musketry, in smoke “so thick as to hide a fellow in twenty yards,” Colonel Clarke saw Shelby’s line twist back, his men dropping back, firing from tree to tree, before the regular’s charge. He turned and bellowed the order, and the forty men held in reserve answered immediately. They raced across the battlefield and tore into the advancing regulars; muskets blasts ripping through flesh so close as to tear limbs from bodies. The Tory commander, Colonel Innes, leading the northern regulars, was shot from his horse, and carried to the rear, seriously injured. “I’ve killed their commander,” yelled William Smith, his rifle still encased in smoke.[15]
Shelby’s rifle rallied. Men of the wilderness, whose foe had been the Cherokee and Creek, from lungs howling in defiance came a sound loyalist farmers from both south and north on the battlefield had ever heard. A wild sound to turn blood cold. The “yelling boys” one of De Lancey’s men would later recall. Another generation would claim it as the gray clad rebel battle cry, when a different civil war bloodied America’s pastures. Shelby’s mountain men, with the Indian war cry, shrill, curdling, launched above the roar of battle, charged the regulars furiously and slowly bent back their line. So too, the twenty horseman, commanded by Joseph Culburtson, broke from the woods and rode the regulars down. Still the regulars, fellow Americans who fought for a king, gave stubbornly. Fifteen minutes men tore into each other in bloody hand to hand butchery.
Major Fraser, commanding the regulars, was shot from his mount. Captain Peter Campbell who led the New Jersey regulars, was killed. Of seven surviving officers of the regulars, five would suffer wounds. And in the carnage, the regulars began to give. And on the left, Colonel Clarke’s men held firm, pouring shot into the Tory militia who could not advance through the hail of lead. Then, in a wild shriek, Clarke lead his men over their breastworks in a crazed charge upon the faltering militia to their front. Author John Buchanan wrote that a friend of Shelby’ later recalled, “that Colonel Shelby’s attention was arrested by the heroic conduct of Colonel Clarke. He often mentioned …ceasing in the midst of battle to look with astonishment and admiration at Clarke fighting.”[16] Within a sulfuric fog of war so thick that one could no longer see their companions, the militia broke in confusion.
All along and back down the ridge, the loyalists pulled back. Some gave their last breath in defiance, but the fight was gone out of them. Riflemen and militia farmers stumbled over dead bodies that carpeted the forest floor. Shelby later wrote that the Tories “broke in great confusion…dead men lay thick on the ground over which our men pursued the enemy.” Yet even in retreat, the fighting remained vicious. Captain Shadrach Inman, who led the decoy riders across the river, was shot seven times, one in the forehead. It had been an hour since the first volley and as the remains of the loyalists crashed through the water with the riflemen howling on their heels, the British defeat was total.
Casualties
As with every battle throughout the war, reports of casualties varied, especially between opposing sides that painted the outcome with softer hues for their superiors. Even secondary sources varied as they walked through this grey mist. Some doctored the books. Especially during the 19th century, when historians believed a need to exaggerate or romanticize their texts to advance book sales. Buchanan, in his book “The Road to Gilford Courthouse” proves to be a pretty good consensus in this. For those who marched up the ridge to confront the thin rebel line, 63 were killed and 90 wounded. Seventy more were captured for a total of 223 out of 500; a massive 45% casualty rate. Among them were several of the loyalists’ key leaders. The woodsmen and rebel militia farmers lost four dead and seven wounded; a mere .05%. Incredible when one considers the patriots were outnumbered more than two to one.
Aftermath
Of the battle, the small rebel force had just fought an action that history renowned for its savage ferocity. Colonel Isaac Shelby, who would go on to lead some of these same fighters at the Battle of King’s Mountain would later claim it was, “one of the hardest ever fought in the United States with small arms.”
British Commanding General Charles Cornwallis basked in in having smashed the American Southern army and sent them running all the way back to Hillsborough, North Carolina near the Virginian border. Add to that the total rout of South Carolina’s militia hero, Colonel Thomas Sumter’s force at the Battle of Fishing Creek, fought the same day as Musgrove Mill, August 18th, and all was coming together for the driven redcoat commander. But his dreams of a massive loyalist force marching to his banner was beginning to unfurl.
When news of the defeat at Musgrove Mill reached British headquarters, most just shrugged. It paled before decisive recent victories. But when word spread throughout the south. It did not play well with the southern Tory population. A small rebel unit boldly rode through a strong loyalist region and routed a Tory force more than twice their size, many well trained and equipped by the British. The effect doused the zeal of many to grab their muskets in the name of their king. And only six weeks later, on October 7, 1780, at the Battle of King’s Mountain, British Major Patrick Fergusson’s strong militia was torn to shreds by defiant wilderness fighters toting their deadly Pennsylvania Long Rifles. After the robust leader was killed, and what was left of his loyalist force ran for their lives, the death bell of Cornwallis’ hopes rang loudly across the south. For as long as he remained campaigning in the Carolinas, any further militia additions to his army were considered a mere pittance.
As for Shelby, Clarke, and Williams, amidst the enthusiasm of their victory, they looked beyond and had high hopes for their small force. British stronghold Ninety-Six was another forty miles further south.[17] They were told it was lightly defended. Taking the fort would be a prize that could instill ardor among local patriot militia for the rebel cause and further dash Tory hopes. But unbeknownst to the ecstatic rebels, their information was suspect. The post at Ninety-Six was very strong while under able commander Lt. Col. John Harris Cruger of New York. Either way, accordingly, as the men prepared to drive further south, word reached them of the Southern Army’s total destruction at Camden, some ninety miles east of where they were.
Francis Jones, a courier from General McDowell, rode up. He handed them a dispatch from Geneal Richard Caswell[18] (major general of North Carolina militia) to General McDowell informing him of the disaster at Camden. All rebel detachments were advised to immediately head to safer territory. Jones also informed them that General McDowell was no longer at the camp from where they left, having gone north to Gilbert Town, North Carolina.[19] With the American army gone, Cornwallis’ would now be free to send out strong patrols. Any further action the rebels carried out, even if proved successful, would not last long when there was no longer an American force to back it up. Leaving the dead where they lay, the men quickly mounted and rode off with their wounded and seventy prisoners in tow.
On August 19th, sixty miles north of Musgrove Mill, they finally halted. Men and horse were completely spent. After two days without sleep, having traveled over a hundred miles, fought a desperate battle, plus a run in with one of Major Ferguson’s patrols, the men could go no further. But even though Gates and his army were no more, these men were not defeated. Shelby suggested they return home and form an army of Over the Mountain men to deal with their hated enemy whose presence remained strong in western North Carolina, The King’s Inspector of Militia, Major Patrick Ferguson. A courier service was established to keep an eye on Ferguson’s every movement and bear news “over the yellow mountains to Shelby.”[20] So too, multiple riders spread out over the Carolinas to keep all abreast of Ferguson and his detachments’ whereabouts. As Robert Henry stated in his Narrative of the Battle of Cowans Ford… “Thus the news went the rounds as fast as horse could carry their riders.” So, when the meeting place was set for all to assemble, the rebels were ready to carry the fight once more to England. Though the American army was beat, they were nowhere ready to surrender.
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RESOURCE
The American Revolution in South Carolina. Musgrove Mill
Buchanan, John. The Road to Guilford Courthouse: The American Revolution in the Carolinas 1996: John Wiley & Sons, New York, NY.
Dawson, Henry B. Battles of the United States by Sea and Land…in Two Volumes. 1858: Johnson, Fry, and Company, New York, NY.
Draper, Lyman C. King’s Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King’s Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It. 1881: P. G. Thompson, New York, NY.
Gordon, Henry. The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the United States of American Including the Late War… In Four Volumes, Vol III pg. 449. 1788: Printed for the Author, London, UK.
McCardy, Edward. History of South Carolina in the Revolution. 1780 – 1783. 1902: Macmillan & Co., New York, NY.
Walter, Edgar. Partisans and Redcoats: The Southern Conflict That Turned the Tide of the American Revolution. 2001: Harper Collins, New York, NY.
Ward, Christopher. The War of the Revolution. 1952: MacMillan, New York, NY. 2021: Reissue by Skyhorse Publishing, New York, NY.
Wheeler, John H. Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 1584 – 1851. Vol. I, Sec. ii pages 57-58. 1851: Lippincott, Grambo and Co., Raleigh, NC.
ENDNOTES
[1] Wheeler had them leaving on the 18th and Dawson on the 16th.
[2] Kentucky Long Rifles were also called Pennsylvania or Lancaster Long Rifles – where most were made based on German design.
[3] Who was mortally wounded during the battle of King’s Mountain, October 7, 1780.
[4] According to Gordon, pg. 620, only two scouts were sent to reconnoiter the enemy. They were fired upon when returning to the rebel camp and quickly recrossed the river. He made no mention of casualties among the loyalists or rebels.
[5] Dawson, citing Gordon, makes no mention of a farmer bringing them news of reinforcements arriving at the loyalist camp. Only that it appeared that they were reinforced.
[6] Another 244 New Jersey Volunteers and a battalion of De Lancy’s loyalists, labeled Provincial Light Infantry, would arrive in late December, 1780 led by Lt. Colonel John Watson Tadwell Watson.
[7] Dawson, referring to Colonel Williams’ report, states only that dispositions were made, regarding any construction of defensive barriers.
[8] Dawson, referring to Hammond’s statements give the number guarding the horses as 16.
[9] Dawson states that two groups of 16 horsemen were sent to gain information and if possible to draw the enemy to attack. That these two groups then fell in on the American flanks.
[10] Buchanan, pg. 177.
[11] Dawson placed the regulars in the center. Buchann placed them on the loyalist’s right.
[12] Dawson, pg. 621.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Buchanan, pg. 178.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Buchanan wrote that the fort at Ninety-six was 25 miles south of Musgrove Mill. This writer drove it. Forty miles is closer to the correct mileage.
[18] Major Caswell of North Carolina militia who earlier in the war led the NC militia at the Battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge, Feb. 27, 1776, a resounding rebel defeat against Scot Irish loyalists. He led the North Carolina militia at the Battle of Camden, August 16, 1780, who ran at the first sight of British bayonets, leaving the Continentals to battle the entire British army. Caswell’s men were bested in their flight by the American commander, General Horatio Gates, who mounted the fastest horse in the army, and tore off for safety, leaving his command behind.
[19] Buchanan, pg. 179.
[20] James Jack and Archibald Nail were assigned as “news-bearers” for over the mountain men.