Battle of Kings Mountain

The Battle of Kings Mountain, October 7, 1780, around thirty-five miles southwest of Charlotte, North Carolina and just over the border into South Carolina, was an overwhelming patriot victory. Scholars believe that Kings Mountain was the major turning point in the war in the south, eventually leading to Cornwallis’ defeat at the Battle of Yorktown, Oct. 19, 1781 and ultimately the war’s end. Of historical interest was the intense, nail-biting, twelve-day chase that precluded the battle. Except for one British officer, it was a battle fought entirely among Americans; Loyalist militia and partisan regulars (equipped and trained like redcoats) against Patriot militia that included ‘over the mountain’ riflemen.

Estimates varied widely as to the number of combatants involved. Around 900 – 1,000 rebel militiamen under the loose command of Colonel William Campbell participated from western wilds of Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina (including a large contingency of Over the Mountain Frontiersmen’ from now present-day eastern Tennessee), and a company of Georgia refugees. The loyalists numbered approximately 1,200 under British Major Patrick Ferguson that included North and South Carolina militia and around 100 American Volunteer Partisans from New Jersey. Many among the rebels carried long rifles, more accurate but longer to reload (ideal for forest combat), and only the American Volunteers had bayonets (ideal for charging open fields). Kings Mountain was forested, and the rifle proved supreme.

The Loyalist force was the left wing of British General Charles Cornwallis’ army and served as a buffer against rebellious militia from the west. After Kings Mountain, Cornwallis had no option but to call off his invasion of North Carolina and return to headquarters at Winnsboro, South Carolina. This defeat discouraged future loyalists from joining the British while allowing the American Southern Continental Army time to reorganize under new leadership; chosen from among General Washington’s more able officers. Within three months, Cornwallis’ entire Light Infantry force would be eliminated at the Battle of Cowpens, January 17, 1781. This was followed by a Race to the Dan and the British Pyrrhic victory at Guilford Courthouse, March 15, 1781, resulting in Cornwallis march to the coast.    

Background

By the end of 1779, four and a half years of war with the thirteen American colonies brought little results for England. British forces held but two major ports in America, New York City and Savannah, Georgia, and had recently abandoned Rhode Island for fear of attack by a French fleet (France having entered the war on Feb. 8, 1778 after the disastrous loss of General Burgoyne’s army at Saratoga, Oct. 17, 1777). With a military stalemate, dwindling finances and waning patience, Supreme Commander of British Forces Sir Henry Clinton needed to establish a successful offensive to regain popular support among the English people. British military and government assumed a large portion of the southern population favored the crown and would fight to help England reclaim the colonies. Clinton decided to keep the status quo in the north and shift the offensive war to the south.. On December 26, 1779, a British fleet including over 3,000 regular troops sailed from New York City for Charleston, South Carolina.

A two-month siege and Charleston fell on May 12, 1780, with the surrender of the Southern Continental Army; 5,500 strong plus arms and supplies. It was a major blow to a new nation struggling to recruit, feed, and supply their diminishing armies. Things only got worse for the Americans over the next four months. British forces moved inland, reclaiming Georgia and establishing outposts throughout South Carolina’s interior. Aggressive British officers sought out and destroyed bands of rebel resistance. On August 16^th, at the Battle of Camden, a resurrected Continental Southern Army was annihilated by General Cornwallis. Two days later, Lt. Colonel Banastre Tarleton wiped out rebel leader General Thomas Sumter’s militia force at the Battle of Fishing Creek, August 18^th. Cornwallis wrote to Lord Germaine, Sec. of the State of Colonies, the southern rebel back was broken.

Before Clinton turned the Southern army over to his lieutenant, General Cornwallis, he was eager to pursue his goal of tapping into what was considered a large population of militia loyal to the crown. He created the post of Inspector of Militia and selected one of his prodigy’s, Major Patrick Ferguson, to head it. The Scotsman recruited, organized, and rigorously trained a militia force that by the summer of 1780, numbered around 1,800 men. This corps of loyalists was stationed in the backcountry’s far western Ninety-Six District. They assisted manning outposts and pursuing rebel bands to protect the British army’s left flank. Ferguson, highly skilled marksman and trained backwoods fighter, was presently leading loyal partisans. He was ambitious and courageous, but was he the right man to head a critical niche in the southern campaign?

Major Patrick Ferguson

Summer of 1780, Major Patrick Ferguson (1744-1780) of the 71^st Highlanders was a 35-year-old Scottish officer. His titled family was steeped in military traditions and Patrick was no exception, enlisting in the Royal North British Dragoons at age 14. He was action during the Seven Years War but returned home early due to sickness. In 1768, he purchased a captaincy in the 70^th Regiment of Foot and served in Tobago until illness once more forced him to return to England. During this time, he perfected his firearm skills and commanded light infantry, participating in a camp under General William Howe who was promoting wilderness tactics learned during his time in America. By the time war erupted in America, Ferguson had become an expert marksman, particularly with the rifle. He worked with Swiss gunsmith Durs Egg on screw and siting improvements to the Chaumette breechloading rifle which he patented as the Ferguson rifle. After successfully promoting the rifle that included impressive demonstrations of the weapon’s potential before the King and military leaders, one hundred rifles were ordered. Ferguson was put in command of an experimental rifle company in the 71^st Highlanders and on March 11, 1777, sailed for America.

He arrived in time to join General Howe’s Philadelphia Campaign. At the Battle of Brandywine Creek, Ferguson’s right elbow was shattered. The result of the wound, which required months of painful surgery to save his arm, left the ambitious officer an invalid while his company of Ferguson riflemen were restored to original regiments. Ferguson returned to duty the following year and commanded a company of New Jersey Loyalists; American Volunteers – trained and equipped as British regular soldiers. During the Egg Harbor Massacre, Oct. 14, 1778, Fergeson impressed his superiors when he ordered no quarter in an attack on American dragoons under Polish leader Cashmir Polaski. They were savagely attacked while sleeping, brutally hacking to death over fifty while the rest were left horribly wounded.  When Clinton’s invasion force sailed for Charleston, Ferguson was in charge of New Jersey Loyalists. Therefore, when the need arose, he was a natural to lead a corps of Tory Partisans and Militia.

Cornwallis Looks to Invade North Carolina

The war in the south was looking good for the British. Many earlier troublemakers like Andrew Pickens (hero of Kettle Creek, Feb. 14, 1779) were under parole. However, rebel militia continued to be a problem. Backcountry leaders like Thomas Sumter, William Richardson Davie, James McCall, Elijah Clarke, Swamp Fox Marion, and others carried on the fight. So too, bands of far western frontiersmen under Colonel Isaac Shelby and Colonel John Sevier crossed over the mountain and joined with rebel militia. Staged ambushes and night time attacks on encampments were commonplace. Ferguson’s Tories were in the thick of the fight, chasing down these bands while suffering embarrassing defeats at Musgrove Mill, Wofford’s Iron Works, and Earle’s Ford.

By late August, 1780, General Cornwallis was planning to extend the southern campaign by invading North Carolina. But constant attacks by a persistent rebel presence remained a problem. Cornwallis began to doubt if Ferguson was the right man for the job. By late August, Cornwallis’ frustration worsened.  He wrote to Clinton “Ferguson is to move into Tryon county with some militia , whom he says he is sure he can depend upon for doing their duty, and fighting well; but I am sorry to say, that his own experience, as well as that of every other officer, is totally against him.” Ferguson, an ambitious officer, could see the writing on the wall. Unless his command performed well in the coming invasion, he risked replacement. To that end, he would do whatever it took to prove his and his loyalists’ worth. Even if it took taking on single handedly those he considered barbarians; Backwater men commonly referred to among the Americans as ‘Over the Mountain Men.’

Over the Mountain Men

‘Over Mountain Men’, British called them ‘Backwater Men,’ were mainly Scotch Irish Protestants who during the 1750’s and 60’s, followed the Great Wagon Road from Pennsylvania, through the Shenandoah Valley, to settle western Virginia and the Carolinas. Some remained along the eastern rim of the Appalachians south to the Waxhaws. Others crossed west over the mountains to establish settlements in what would become eastern Tennessee. In 1772, sixteen families were led west by James Robertson. He had previously explored the region and into present-day Kentucky with companion Daniel Boone. He and his deputy John Sevier guided the homesteaders as they traversed the mountains and halted on the banks of the Watauga River. It was an ideal location called Sycamore Shoals (modern Elizabethton, TN), and would play a key role leading up to Kings Mountain.

These early settlers established the Watauga settlements and leased two large tracts of land from the Cherokee. Other families followed in small numbers and settled along the Nolachucky and Holston Rivers in the region where Tennessee, Virginia, and North Carolina met. This was all illegal as the British Proclamation Line established the area west of the Appalachians as Native American land. However, there were no British authorities within hundreds of miles to enforce the treaty. In 1775, the Watauga Association purchased their land illegally. Many Cherokee vehemently objected to the presence of these squatters, resulting in violent and savage attacks, resulting in a perpetual war among the combatants.

Having escaped civilization over the mountains, these independent pioneer settlers wished to be left alone. But for a few outspoken patriots like Isaac Shelby and John Sevier, when war erupted with England, they had no interest in the conflict east of the mountains. By the fall of 1780 that drastically changed when Loyalist commander Major Patrick Ferguson unintendedly lit a fuse. Author John Buchanan succinctly wrote, “The Over Mountain Man, hardened by the toil of pioneering, was further hardened by Indian fighting. His life could be short, nasty, and brutal. But if he survived falling trees, fever, snake bites, drowning, disease, backbreaking labor, blood poisoning, and the scalping knife, he rode into a fight a warrior for the ages.” And it was this warrior that Ferguson unleashed by a hasty and ill-advised threat; proving a blunder for the ages.

North Carolina Invasion & Fire and Sword

In early September 1780, Major Ferguson was confident that he had gained control of the territory he was tasked to guard and the way was clear for General Cornwallis to invade North Carolina. Remnants of the Continental Army had retreated north towards the Virginia border. Rebel General Sumter was inactive, left to recruit after his rout at Fishing Creek. Elijah Clarke failed in his First Siege of Augusta and was being chased into the Long Canes settlements. Andrew Pickens and many among South Carolina’s militia remained paroled. And North Carolina rebels, though a persistent problem, had been dispersed and returned north over the border, with some seeking refuge west of the mountains. Ferguson’s prejudice against rebel militiamen as ill trained, back woods misfits only confirmed the timing was right to press the southern campaign northward.

On September 2nd, Ferguson’s corps headed to the Appalachian foothills. On the 7^th, Ferguson’s corps was the first to ride into North Carolina; four days before Cornwallis marched his main army towards Charlotte. When the Scotsman arrived at the tiny cove of Gilbert Town, 55 miles west of Charlotte, he was assured of the campaign’s success.  After his route of Col. Charles McDowell’s force at Cane Creek and further bolstered by newly recruited North Carolina loyalists, he would deal with the ‘barbarians’ over the mountain by sending a threat to remain in their settlements, or face harsh retaliation. But his intent backfired. Instead of placating these ‘backwater men’ through fear, it proved the reverse. His ultimatum was a match thrust into a powder keg, that exploded in contempt and vengeance.

Author John Buchanan described Ferguson’s warning, “…a lone rider headed west from Ferguson’s camp at Gilbert Town and began the long climb from the foothills up one of the steep trails that climbed the great mountains [Appalachians]… His name was Samuel Phillips. He was a Rebel who had been a British prisoner, but Patrick Ferguson had paroled him, for Samuel Phillips was a distant kinsman of Colonel Isaac Shelby, and he carried a message for Shelby and all the Over Mountain Men. Deadly in intent and import, the message had been given verbally to Phillips by Ferguson.” The wording was simple. “If they did not desist from their opposition to the British arms, he would march over the mountain, hang their leaders, and lay their country waste with fire and sword.”  

Hardened men who cleared the wild land and toiled the soil along Watauga and Holston river valleys knew the meaning of Ferguson’s deadly threat. They had lived it, almost daily, defending their homes and families from Native American attacks. Upon hearing this message, they did not cower, but gathered in droves, and rode east, to deliver their own fire and sword.

Over the Mountain Men Appeal to Rebel Militias

Over the Mountain Man Colonel Isaac Shelby (1750-1826), leader of the Sullivan County Militia, in 1770 accompanied his family south along the Great Wagon Road, settling in the Holston River region and the Watauga settlement (present day eastern Tennessee). After participating in the patriot victory at the Battle of Musgrove Mill, August 19, 1780, he returned to the Watauga settlement. He had met with other militia leaders and proposed that a volunteer army from both sides of the mountain be raised to deal with Ferguson.  When Shelby received Ferguson’s threat, there was still only talk of gathering militias to attack the loyalist leader. Had the ultimatum not been issued, any such gathering might have remained just talk. But within two days of Ferguson’s message, Shelby had ridden over forty miles to speak with Lt. Col. John Sevier of the Washington County militia. Shelby repeated Ferguson’s message and Sevier agreed to raise his regiment and join Shelby to ride east over the mountain and take Ferguson by surprise.

But the two men could not ride their entire militias over the mountains. Half had to remain to protect their families against expected Cherokee attacks. Therefore, it was imperative that the other militias of far western Virginia and North Carolina be persuaded to join the frontiersman. Shelby drafted a letter to Colonel William Campbell of Washington County, Virginia, explaining the need for his militia to join them, tasking his brother Moses to ride the forty miles to deliver it. Meanwhile Sevier rode to his neighbor, Tory hater Col. Benjamin Cleveland of the Burke County Militia, North Carolina. Cleveland was famous for hanging loyalist accused of plundering patriot homesteads – once forcing a loyalist to witness the other dangle from a rope, offering the first his life if he cut off his own ears – the man immediately requested a knife. A date and rendezvous was set; September 25, at Sycamore Shoals. This left less than two weeks for the backwoodsmen to prepare an army.

At first William Campbell refused to join the over mountain men, choosing to wait and ride against Cornwallis as he marched north. Shelby wrote again, giving more details. Explaining that they needed to protect their settlements from Native American and deal with Ferguson’s immediate threat of attack. He stressed they could do both, but only if they worked together. Shelby also pleaded to William’s brother-in-law Colonel Arthur Cambell, who also led elements of the Washington Militia. No one knows what corresponded between the two Cambells, but on the 22^nd, the two agreed to join Shelby and Sevier and ride against Ferguson.

The Sword of the Lord and of Our Gideons

On September 25^th, far western settlers gathered at Sycamore Shoals on the Watauga. John Sevier arrived with 240 riflemen from the Nolachucky region. Isaac Shelby showed up with another 240 riders. And from the western ridge of the Blue Ridge Mountains came William Campbell with 200 Virginians. Though not over the mountain men, they were cut from the same pioneer mold. Already encamped at the Shoals were 160 Burke County militiamen under Colonel Charles McDowell who had found refuge after Cane Creek and Ferguson’s pursuit. Charles was not present, having ridden east to convince North and South Carolina militia leaders to join the growing force. Solo bands continued to arrive and Arthur Campbell showed up with another 200 riflemen before he rode back to help guard his settlement against Native American attack. Former Continental veteran of Brandywine and Germantown, Capt. David Vance, who had survived Valley Forge to now lead his company of rifle, reflected on these determined volunteers: “[they] were to equip themselves as quickly as possible and have nothing to provide when they were called on to march, but to saddle their horses and march on the shortest notice. Those who could not supplied those who could…”

Many woman and children had accompanied their loved ones, sharing meals and campfires; for some it would be their last. The next morning, Tuesday, September 26^th, the riflemen prepared to leave. But first, devout Presbyterians led by stern elders, they would receive a fiery blessing befitting their wilderness survival. Reverand Samuel Doak’s solemn voice roared over his warriors’ upturned faces, ending his sermon with the words “The Sword of the Lord and our Gideons!” A rousing cry answered, shattering the pristine valley as 1,040 mounted their horses. They rode east; with God on their side, they were determined to come to battle with the devil incarnate, and force him to knell before the might of the backwoodsmen.

Ride to Surprise Ferguson at Gilbert Town

The riflemen rode the mountain path, twenty miles that first day through snow to camp where the waters turned east. Two men deserted in the night. Fearful they rode to warn Ferguson, it was decided to avoid the usual route and head north, where the trail was steep with menacing ravines. Four days, the constant sound of rushing streams accompanied the long column as it wove its way through feral forests between mountain peaks. Through Gillespie’s gap, where on the 30^th, the land opened upon the gentle valleys of the Catawba River. Before them was Quaker Meadows, and the back country farm of the McDowells, the point of rendezvous with the eastern rebel militias. Major Joseph McDowell of Burke County Militia warmly greeted the frontiersmen as they camped. That same day, arriving from the north, were Colonel Benjamin Cleveland of Wilkes County and Major Joseph Winston of Surry. Both were able leaders and courageous in battle; combined they brought 350 veteran militia.

Of significance was the absence of Colonel Thomas Sumter and his corps of around 400 men (newly formed and recruited after Sumter’s devastating defeat at Fishing Creek, Aug. 18^th). General James Williams showed up at Sumter’s camp at Flint Hill, outside Gilbert Town. He tried to take command of Sumter’s corps. Sumter left his second, Col.. William Hill in charge and rode north to Hillsborough, Continental army headquarters and refuge for the South Carolina’s government. He planned to meet with South Carolina Governor Edward Rutledge to disprove Col. James William’s fraudulent claims that he alone was the victor at the Battle of Musgrove Mills. In reward, Rutledge had commissioned Williams a Brigadier General of North Carolina militia. But the commission was rescinded after Sumter set the record straight. Sumter was officially given the command of all North Carolina militia; however, he did not meet with Rutledge until Oct. 6^th and missed Kings Mountain.

Now numbering 1,400 mountain and backcountry militia, the combined force left Quaker Meadows on October 1^st. They rode 18 miles to the head of Cane Creek where they camped for the next two days; 18 miles north of Gilbert Town and Ferguson’s headquarters. There the five assembled colonels sought to designate one to command their small army. It was decided to dispatch a rider to General Gates at Hillsborough, North Carolina, hoping for a Continental officer of Daniel Morgan’s caliber. But Shelby succinctly pointed out that they could not delay waiting for a response, not with Ferguson so close. Therefore, an intermittent leader should be chosen.

No one wanted the senior officer among them, Colonel Charles McDowell, who was suspected of cowardice under fire. The issue was settled when McDowell agreed to ride to Gates, leaving his brother-in-law Major Joseph McDowell in charge of his men. Shelby nominated Colonel William Cambell. The role as commander turned out to be nominal as Isaac Shelby was the driving force who convened daily councils to decide a course of action. The next morning, October 4^th, they sent out scouts and rode to Gilbert Town; to attack their enemy. But only an empty camp awaited. Ferguson was not there.

Ferguson on the Move

On September 27^th, the day after the Over Mountain Men left Sycamore Shoals, Ferguson quit Gilbert Town and marched south to catch Colonel Elijah Clarke. He hoped to cut off the renowned rebel leader before he could escape into the Watauga region of North Carolina. The commander of Ninety-Six, Lt. Col. Harris Cruger, had ended the Georgian’s siege of Augusta, September 18^th, and chased him into the Long Cane settlements south of Ninety-Six. In a punishing search for Clarke and his followers, Cruger torched suspected Whig homesteads. Clarke and his militia gathered refugees and rode north. Cruger reported to Ferguson they were heading his way and the Scotsman sent out scouts throughout the area. Though Ferguson received word that a large band of frontiersmen were crossing the mountains; he had no details and was not overly concerned.

Partisan loyalist Lt. Anthony Allaire, of New York and American Volunteers, kept a diary of his time campaigning with Ferguson’s corps. His observations indicated Ferguson was in no hurry as he cautiously shifted south and west, probing for Clarke’s whereabouts. He recorded that on the 27^th they marched south 3 miles to Rucker’s Mill. The next day, they made 8 miles, crossed the Broad River at Twitty’s Ford. There they headed south and further west, covering 2 miles to McDaniel’s Ford. They crossed the Green and marched 2 more miles before halting. On the 29^th, they made 3 miles before stopping at the Step’s farm on the Green River (Creek). The next day, Sept. 30th, the day Shelby and his men arrived at Quaker Meadow, Ferguson and his men expected to attack Clarke, but came up empty handed. Allaire wrote that they “lay at James Step’s with an expectation of intercepting Col. Clarke on his return to the mountains; but he [Clarke] was prudent enough to take another route.” Clarke had been forewarned and shifted west to avoid Ferguson. With reports of rebel forces gathering north of him, in four days since his meandering Trek from Gilbert Town, he had only traversed 18 miles. According to Lyman Draper, who wrote the most extensive history on the Battle of Kings Mountain, Ferguson was so obsessed with capturing Clarke that he was blinded from all else.

But on the same day Ferguson’s troops were laying on their arms waiting for Clarke to appear at Step’s Farm, Ferguson discovered he was in trouble. The two loyalist deserters from Shelby’s regiment caught up to him; James Crawford and Samuel Chambers. They reported the disturbing number of mounted backwater men rapidly crossing the mountain. They were expected to rendezvous with militias from Virginia, South and North Carolina that may include the remains of Sumter’s force. When ready, they would ride for Ferguson with grim intent. The timing could not be worse for Ferguson. Having believed the rebel threat was at a minimum, and intent on recruiting North Carolina loyalists along the mountain’s spine, he had allowed temporary furloughs to many of his militiamen. They went home to harvest crops with the promise to return when called. This left the 100 American Volunteer regulars and a reduced militia corps.

The next day, October 1^st, Ferguson hastily marched east, covering about 20 miles to Denard’s Ford on the Broad River. At this point, after five days having meandered west and laying ambush for Clarke, the loyalists were only around 8 miles south of Gilbert Town! That same day, 1,400 rebels rode south from Quaker Meadows and halted at the head of Cane Creek, about 12 miles north of Gilbert Town leaving only 20 or so miles from Ferguson’s location. But Ferguson was at an advantage. Though he was unaware of the rebel’s exact whereabouts, more importantly, neither was Shelby’s force cognizant of Ferguson’s position. In fact, the patriots would take two full days to organize before riding south, thinking Ferguson was still at Gilbert Town. This gave valuable time for Ferguson to put distance between his enemy. But would he take it?

Ferguson Drags His Feet

At Denard’s Ford, Ferguson received a dispatch from General Cornwallis ordering him to rejoin the main army at Charlotte. He wrote to Cornwallis, notifying he was coming and spoke briefly of the rebel pursuit and the danger he faced writing, “Do not make too light of all this, for advancing they certainly are, let their numbers be what they will…”  Yet even with a large rebel force hot on his heels, he could not give up on Clarke writing “…2,000 I cannot face, I shall therefore probably incline eastward if I do not succeed in my present object [to intercept Clark] in two days.”  Though not directly, he hinted at, and perhaps hoped, that Cornwallis would send a relief column to his aid. He dispatched two riders to Cornwallis; however, to avoid capture, they had to take an elongated route and did not arrive at Charlotte until after the battle.

Nearly six days would lapse before the fateful Battle of Kings Mountain. Draper wrote “Had Ferguson, with his three or four days’ start, taken the most direct easterly course to Charlotte, he could easily have accomplished his purpose as it was only some sixty miles distant in a straight line, and could not have exceeded eighty by the then zig-zag routes of travel…”  But instead of a short rest at Denard’s Ford, followed by a forced march towards Charlotte, according to Lt. Allaire’s diary for October 2^nd, they crossed the “…Broad, marched 4 miles, and formed for action, sleeping on their arms.”  Evidence that Ferguson dallied another full day in an obstinate desire to catch Clarke. That day Ferguson issued an urgent appeal for loyalists to join him. But his wording was so foreboding, packed with impending doom, of rebel barbarians pillaging the countryside, chopping off arms and raping wives and daughters, that it did more to frighten than steel his men. Many decided to lay low and remain home to protect their loved ones. Instead of the thousands flocking to his banner, Ferguson would have barely 1,200 men under his command by the time he stationed his force on Kings Mountain.

After losing another day’s march in which Clarke failed yet again to materialize, it appeared Ferguson had finally put the illusive Georgian out of his mind. On October 3^rd, he made a 20-mile dash for Charlotte. Again, Lt. Allaire’s diary detailed the march; “6 miles to Camp Ford on Broad, forded river and 6 miles to Armstrong Plantation, banks of Sandy Run, rested, 4 Pm 7 miles to Buffalo Creek, forded, another mile to Tate Plantation – halted.”  The plantation was just over the border into South Carolina, around 20 miles northeast from Cowpens, SC. Ferguson would remain two days at the William Tate Plantation.

Historians have second-guessed Ferguson’s reasons for stilling his corps for two full days, knowing a strong rebel force was doggedly in pursuit. Was he still intent on reaching Cornwallis’ army, or toying with battling the rebels? We know he would have awaited scout intelligence detailing rebel movements, hoping that by turning east from his southern route, he had thrown the Back Water men off his trail. If so, he could swing north, back to Gilbert Town, and continue securing Cornwallis’ western flank while His Lordship advanced into North Carolina.

Perhaps Ferguson waited for his recalled militia to join him. With their return, he may have had second thoughts of his force’s ability to defend itself; believing he was strong enough to deal with the ‘barbarians’ over the mountain. So too, he may have hoped his appeal for reinforcements from Cornwallis would be answered and a detachment from Charlotte would arrive in time. And there was always the ambitious Scotsman’s fear of losing his job if he retreated to Cornwallis, turning from an enemy he was posted to destroy.  The exact reasons Ferguson delayed at Tate’s Plantation will never be known. But one thing was sure, as he inched his way towards Charlotte, the patriots were closing in.

The Chase Heats Up

On Oct. 4^th, the day Ferguson arrived at Tate’s Plantation, Shelby’s mountain men and backcountry militiamen were camped just outside Gilbert Town. They were at a loss as to the illusive Scotsman’s exact location. The most credible report placed him around fifty miles south on the road to the British stronghold at Ninety-Six, a hundred miles from their present location. Intent on catching Ferguson before he reached the protection of that imposing garrison, they mounted and began their pursuit. Along the way they encountered a company of Clarke’s Georgia refugees who joined them. So too Major William Chronicle and his company of ‘South Fork Boys’ of Catawba rode in.

On Oct. 5^th, at Denard’s Ford on the Broad, where Ferguson had turned east, they lost the trail and continued south. Tensions rose as word reached them of Ferguson’s appeal for loyalist aid with rumors describing Tories flocking to the Scotsman’s banner. The going was slow and they rode only 12 miles that day and halted at Alexander’s Ford in the Green River region. By now, many horses had become weak and crippled (several had not been shoed). Those hoofing after the mounted men (called trampers) were footsore and weary. Tired men who had been on the road the past ten days grumbled if the ‘game was worth the candle.’ And those whose loved ones remained beyond the mountains under the threat of native attack, wondered how longer they could afford to stay away from home.

It was decided to spend the remainder of Oct. 5^th dividing the command. The fittest men and horses would be chosen, eventually around 700 horsemen, to ride hard the next morning in a forced march to catch up to Ferguson. Those with weak horses and on foot were urged to come on as fast as possible. That day they received confirmation that Ferguson was marching to Ninety-Six. But they were deceived. For the information was delivered by a well-known South Carolina leader of militia who had no interest in catching Ferguson.

On Oct. 5^th, Ferguson’s loyalists and the two rebel militias formed points of a triangle. Sumpter was just northeast of Gilbert Town. Shelby’s men around 20 miles south near the border. Ferguson’s loyalists were just over the South Carolina border –  20 miles to the southeast of Sumter’s men and northeast of Shelby’s corps around 25 miles.

Plan to Hijack the Rebel Force

Colonel James Williams (recently commissioned brigadier) of the Little River District Militia and Col. Thomas Brandon of the 2^nd Spartan Militia, also of South Carolina, two renowned Tory haters, intercepted the riflemen on the road outside Alexander Ford, still in North Carolina. We had left Williams at General Sumter’s camp when he tried to take control of the famed leader’s corps. Sumter rode off to Hillsborough to meet with Governor Rutledge to disclaim William’s boast that he alone was responsible for the patriot victory at Musgrove Mill, and that William’s brigadier commission was awarded through deception. Williams remained at Sumter’s camp, still intent on taking command, but not just Sumter’s men. He had bigger plans that included those pursuing Ferguson.

Williams saw the large gathering of Virginia and North Carolina militia, including riflemen from over the mountain, as an enormous opportunity. Combined with Sumter’s corps of South Carolinians, he planned to lead them in an attack on backcountry loyalists throughout the Ninety-Six region of South Carolina. It was an area that just happened to be Williams’ and Colonel Brandon’s districts. Loyalist would be plundered of livestock, slaves, and all valuables, enriching the raiders and leaving torched buildings behind. All Williams needed to do was point both forces south, away from Ferguson.

Early the morning on Oct 5th, Williams was still at Flint Hill, Sumter’s camp just northeast of Gilbert Town. An elderly man rode in, known as a rebel spy, and met with Col. William Hill (commanding in Sumter’s absence) and Col. Edward Lacey of Turkey Creek militia. He said he had been with Ferguson and gave the hated Scotsman’s location as Tate Plantation. He told them he had ridden all night after discovering Ferguson’s intention to fight and that a message was dispatched to Cornwallis requesting reinforcements. Williams was privy to this information. He and Brandon slipped out of camp and were seen riding southwest towards the mountains. They returned the same day after sunset and were immediately questioned by Hill and Lacey.

The two South Carolina leaders learned that Williams had ridden to the riflemen. Williams told Shelby and the others he had received information confirming Ferguson was marching to Ninety-Six and that Sumter’s men would ride after him. The over mountain men and North Carolina militia were to rendezvous with Sumter’s corps at the Old Iron Works on the Pacolet River, about twenty odd miles further south of Shelby’s position. According to Hill, an argument erupted between him and Williams: “I then used the freedom to tell him [Williams] that I plainly saw trough his design, which was to get the army into his own settlement, secure his remaining property, and plunder the Tories.” Hill later wrote that Williams justified his ruse by trying to convince his fellow South Carolinians that it was in their best interest to leave Ferguson to the North Carolinians and rid their districts of Tories. Hill was having none of it and was resolved to correct Williams’ mischief.

Hill and Lacey decided they would join in the pursuit of Ferguson. Hill was still recovering from wounds he received at Hanging Rock and his arm was in a sling. He was too weak for an all-night ride to the North Carolinians. Lacey and a guide left at 8 pm and arrived in the early morning hours on Friday, Oct. 6^th. He convinced Shelby and others that Williams had lied. He said Ferguson was riding to the east towards Charlotte and gave the Scotsman’s last known location. Also word that Ferguson was hoping for reinforcements and was determined to fight. He told them Sumter’s command of 400 horsemen would ride to join them. It was decided that the combined force would rendezvous at a place known to all, Cowpens, just over the South Carolina line. Lacey immediately returned to Flint Hill while Shelby and company finished selecting the most able riders.

Later in the morning of October 6^th, the Virginians and North Carolina militias rode for Cowpens, twenty-one miles southeast. Lacey reached Flint Hill at 10 am and Sumter’s corps immediately mounted for Cowpens. Williams was stripped of command and he and his followers were allowed to bring up the column’s rear. Campbell and Shelby arrived Cowpens early that evening either just before or after Sumter’s men. Cowpens, as the name implies, was where penned cattle were fattened before driven to market along the coast. As soon as the rebels arrived, a wealthy Tory name Saunders was roused from bed and interrogated for news of Ferguson. Hungry men harvested fifty acres of Saunder’s corn in ten minutes while several of his cattle were slaughtered for the men’s first fresh meat in well over a week.

Why Did Ferguson Tarry at Kings Mountain?

Lt. Allaire’s diary entry for October 6^th, the day before battle, states simply: “Got in motion at 4 o’clock in the morning and marched 16 miles to Little Kings Mountain where they took up our ground.”  What occurred next has baffled historians. Ferguson had by the morning of the 6^th two full days head start on his enemy. Had he passed Kings Mountain and carried on towards Charlotte, there is little doubt he would have arrived safely within the confines of Cornwallis’ army. But instead, he stayed at the King’s Mountain position for the rest of the day and well into the next day, Oct. 7^th, until around 4 PM when the rebel force finally caught up to him and attacked.

Early historian Draper wrote that “infatuation for military glory is the only explanation that can be given for Ferguson’s conduct in lingering at King’s Mountain…Such a retreat might betray signs of fear – suggesting, perhaps, that he shirked the opportunity he had long pretended to court, and he might thereby lose the chance of a lifetime of distinguishing himself on the glorious field of Mars, and winning undying honors and fame from his King and country.”  Bottom line, Furguson wanted a stupendous victory that would save his job and pad his ego. Clues that framed his mindset while deciding to fight or flight are found in a dispatch to Cornwallis written on the 6^th. Ferguson penned:

“…doubt does not remain with regard to the intelligence I sent your Lordship . They are since joined by Clarke and Sumter  -of course are become an object of some consequence . Happily their leaders are obliged to feed their followers with such hopes , and so to flatter them with accounts of our weakness and fear, that, if necessary, I should hope for success against them myself; but numbers compared, that must be but doubtful.  I am on my march towards you, by a road leading from Cherokee Ford, north of King’s Mountain. Three or four hundred good soldiers, part dragoons, would finish the business. Something must be done soon. This is their last push in this quarter, etc.”

It was a confusing message laced with opposites. The dispatch shows that Clarke is still a factor in Ferguson’s reasoning. The Scotsman spoke with some confidence of his ability for success against the rebel force on his own, but added concern writing, “but numbers compared, that must be but doubtful.” He states he is on his march towards Cornwallis, but he is not. He then adds a veiled request for reinforcements advising that “three or four hundred force of part dragoons could finish the business.” Here he offers Cornwallis a carrot of finality to rebel resistance, as if to pry a strong detachment from His Lordship to march to him.

There is little doubt the 400-man detachment of ‘part dragoons’ referred to was Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton’s Legion of infantry and dragoons. Ferguson was aware that Tarleton had come down with Yellow Fever, but Cornwallis assured him on September 23^rd that the legionnaire was doing better. The aggressive dragoon could easily reach Ferguson’s position from Charlotte in one day’s hard ride; Tarleton had done so on many previous occasions chasing rebel bands. Cornwallis later wrote that he had wished to send the Legion to relieve Ferguson, but Tarleton had procrastinated due to his health.

Ferguson’s decision to remain at Kings Mountain was also bolstered by word that Major Zacharias Gibbs was nearby. The Scotsman was told Gibbs commanded 500 returning furloughed loyalists rushing to rejoin him. So too, the former light infantryman may have convinced himself that besides Tarleton’s Legion riding to him, a detachment from Lt. Col. Cruger at Ninety-Six was beating hard to his aide. Ferguson knew that Cruger had done so for Tory leader Colonel Thomas Brown, arriving just in time to save the loyalist’s forces who had held off a rebel attack under Colonel Clarke during the First Siege of Augusta (Sept. 14-18, 1780). Ferguson had around 1,125 men under his command; a slight advantage to the 900 or so Whigs riding to him. He believed that he too could hold the rebels at bay until the combined detachments rushing to his aide arrived. All this reinforced Ferguson’s desire to remain in the backcountry; as Draper wrote, “flattering himself that he would gain a crushing victory over the Back Water men, whom he never failed to belittle, and whom he heartily despised.”  But his last message to Cornwallis was sent in duplicate; one lost and the other arriving after the battle. And Cruger would not ride to the rescue as he had done for Brown. Ferguson would confront his fiery destiny on his own.

Kings Mountain Description and Lack of Defense

Kings Mountain is part of a range of lofty hills around sixteen miles long that extends from North Carolina into South Carolina. Ferguson chose his position about a mile and half over the border into South Carolina on a hilly ridge rising sixty feet above the countryside. Thirty miles and a day’s ride from Charlotte, his men’s encampment was shaped like a human foot. Interestingly, a 2004 archeological dig uncovered Ferguson’s camp outside Gilbert Town. There, he had also chosen his camp atop a forested slope, indicating he might have thought such positions offered better protection against attack. It was also suggested by scholars that as a Scottish Highlander growing up amongst the rough, hilly terrain of the upcountry, such encampments were reminiscent of his Scottish homeland.

Draper best describes Ferguson’s encampment on the evening of October 6^th and where he would make his stand the next day against the approaching rebels. “The principal elevation in this range, a sort of lofty, rocky tower, called the Pinnacle, is some six miles distant from the battle ground. That portion of the oblong hill or stony ridge, now historically famous, is in York County, South Carolina, about a mile and a half south of the North Carolina line. It is some six hundred yards long…from sixty to one hundred and twenty wide on the top, tapering to the south…” The encampment was open, free of trees and undergrown. The sides of the ridge were heavily forested, steep and rocky, perfect for irregular militiamen versed in guerrilla tactics to approach and attack from behind natural barricades. 

One of Ferguson’s men, Arthur McFall, wrote that Ferguson thought the location “was so pleasing that he concluded to take post there, stoutly affirming that he would be able to destroy or capture any force the Whigs could bring against him.”  Rebel leader Shelby later wrote “So confident was Ferguson in the strength of his position…” Captain David Vance of McDowell’s Burke County Militia wrote that “he [Ferguson] was on King’s Mountain, that he was king of that mountain, that God Almighty could not drive him from it.” Loyalist Captain Alexander Chelsea was skeptical of Ferguson’s choice of location later writing, “Kings Mountain from its height would have enabled us to oppose a superior force with advantage, had it not been covered with wood which sheltered the Americans and enabled them to fight in the favorite manner…” As to Ferguson’s choice of battle, many who fought stated “that a man standing on it may be shot from either side.” A fact proved fatally accurate for the Loyalists defending that fateful day.

With an exposed summit upon which shots fired from either angle would find their mark, one would expect a British officer to order some type of defensive barrier thrown up. Perhaps level trees along the decline, creating an exposed killing field, littered with obstacles and sharpened stakes. But that was not the case. Draper wrote that the loyalist position “was a stony spot, where lines could not easily be thrown up; there was, however, an abundance of wood on the hill with which to form abatis, and defend his camp; but Ferguson took none of these ordinary military precautions, and only placed his baggage – wagons along the north – eastern part of the mountain, in the neighborhood of his headquarters, so as to form some slight appearance of protection. And thus he remained nearly a whole day…”  For Ferguson, it appeared training and cold steel would carry the day if the ‘barbarians’ attacked. Colonel Ambrose Mills, loyalist officer with Ferguson who was captured and hanged a week later by the over mountain men, stated that Ferguson was “inactive and exposed, awaiting the return of his furloughed men, and the expected succors.” But it was not to be. Draper succinctly added: “Instead of the coveted reinforcements…came the hated Back Water Men.”

Rebels Assemble at Cowpens

Cooking fires burned brightly over sparsely forested grazing lands. But there would be little if no sleep that night. All knew that Ferguson was within their grasp. Yet only if they could catch him before reinforcements arrived or he reached the safety of Charlotte. Joseph Kerr, a rebel spy, entered the camp that night. Author Buchanan wrote, “He [Kerr] reported that he had been in Ferguson’s noon camp at Peter Qiionn’s place, some seven miles from King’s Mountain, that Ferguson had no more than 1,500 men, and that he intended to be at King’s Mountain that evening.” A council was called and it was decided to par down their force to a ‘flying column;’ a rapid advance force using the best horses. They would spearhead the assault while the rest would come on as quickly as possible.

Estimates as to the rebel strength vary widely from 900 to an extreme of 1,600. Draper leans towards the former, stating the flying column numbered 910 men; the original 700 from Shelby and Cambell’s force and 210 from Sumter’s South Carolinians. The force was somewhat evenly divided between Over the Mountain Men (440) and Backcountry Militia (470). Missing from Draper’s account are riders from Colonel Andrew Hampton’s Rutherford militia. The 910 figure is an estimate as Hampton’s inclusion would place the number slightly higher.  Draper broke it down to:

• William Campbell’s Virginians – 200
• Isaac Shelby and John Sevier’s Over Mountain Men – 120 each for a total of 240
• Benjamin Cleveland – 110
• James McDowell – 90
• Joseph Winston – 60
• William Hill and Edward Lacey – 100
• James Williams – 60
• William Graham & Frederick Hambright – 50
• Clarke’s Georgians under William Candler’s (attached to William’s command) – 30
• William Chronicle’ South Fork Boys (attached to Graham) – 20
• Additional followers who caught up to and participated in the battle – 50

Thirty-tree miles from Cowpens, Ferguson at Kings Mountain was hopeful for the return of furloughed loyalists comprising Major Zacharias Gibb’s 400-500 command.  They would never arrive. It appeared they were driven off by detachments of Shelby’s men on the night of Oct. 6th. The only account of what happened to them is recorded in the diary of twenty-five-year-old Virginian Ensign Robert Campbell of  Col. William Campbell’s Washington Militia, Capt. James Dysart’s company. Ensign Campbell wrote (note period practice of writing in the 3^rd person): “On passing near the Cowpens, we heard of a large body of Tories about eight miles distant…a party of eighty volunteers, under Ensign Robert Campbell, was dispatched in pursuit of them during the night. They had, however, removed before the mountaineers came to the place, and who, after riding all night, came up with the main body the next day.” Ensign also added that a similar expedition was led by Captain Andrew Colvill, also with the Washington militia, with no better success.

Once the men were fed, the rebel flying column mounted and set off at 9 PM, determined to catch Ferguson the following day. It was very dark and soon after began to rain with periods of downpour that persisted to the next day. Colonel William wrote in his memoirs that the “path being small and the woods very thick the troop got scattered and dispersed through the woods, thus wandering the whole night.” Hill adding the going “caused them to march uncommonly hard which caused many horses to give out as but few of them were shod.”  By dawn, the end of the column was only five miles from Cowpens while the Virginians had become lost before scouts found them and set them right. But the men pushed on, too close to the hated loyalists to give up.

Rebel Force Advance to Position

Just before dawn, the rebel column turned from crossing the Broad River at Tate’s Crossing. Thomas Young, a sixteen years old, who joined with Thomas Brandon’s 2^nd Spartan Militia recorded in his Memoir several years after the war that “we received intelligence that Major Ferguson was encamped somewhere near the Cherokee Ford, on Broad River. We pushed forward, but heard no tidings of the enemy…”

They angled further to the south, about two and a half miles to Cherokee Ford. The first light of dawn was barely visible and they had ridden 18 miles since Cowpens. While the men paused to rest their horses, one of Maj. William Chronicle’s South Fork Boys, a shrewd and cunning spy, Enoch Gilmer, who Chronicle described as a “stranger to fear,” rode on alone to scout the trail. Just as the sun rose, Gilmer returned to report no enemy. The column forded the river and resumed the chase. Rain poured as they cautiously rode on, not knowing how close they had come to Ferguson’s force. Three miles from the ford, Gilmer galloped ahead to find the enemy. Meanwhile men grumbled that a longer halt was needed to rest and dry out firelocks. But Shelby would have none of it, telling his fellow colonels “I will not stop until I follow Ferguson into Cornwallis’ lines.” The column pushed on.

They later came to the house of Solomon Beason, who was described as both Whig and Loyalist, whenever the occasion required. Beason told them that Ferguson was only eight miles ahead at Kings Mountain. Two Tories were captured at the half-patriot’s house who were given an offer they could not refuse, show the way to Kings Mountain or be hanged. They eagerly joined the rebel force as guides. At noon the rain stopped and the sun broke through the clouds. They came to another Tory home five miles past Benson’s. The men inside informed the rebels that Ferguson was not far. As they rebels left the house, they were followed by young woman. Lt. Alexander Greer of Sevier’s Washington Militia recalled the brief conversation: “How many are there of you?” she asked. “Enough to whip Ferguson if we can find him,” was the reply. She pointed to a ridge about three miles distant. “He is on that mountain.”

Further along they saw Gilmer’s horse tied to a gate outside a house. Outside the home, Gilmer told him he had identified himself as a loyalist seeking to join Ferguson. A young woman in the house told him that just that morning she had taken some chickens to Ferguson himself. She described the camp as on a ridge between two streams where some hunters had camped in the autumn of the previous year. Major Chronicle and Captain John Mattocks knew the camp she described. It was on a spur of King’s Mountain for they were the hunters she spoke of. The chase was over. Ferguson was found.

The column eagerly pushed forward. In route, the colonels met and concurred as to which position each command would take to surround the ridge and attack. Sevier’s over mountain men probed ahead of the advance. A few miles before the loyalist camp they captured some Tory scouts. The mean readily confirmed Ferguson’s location, but also revealed the exact positioning of the pickets. Soon after they snagged a fourteen-year-old John Ponder riding hard from the ridge. He was carrying one of the two dispatches Ferguson wrote to Cornwallis. Ponder was asked how Ferguson was dressed that day. The youth said that he wore a checkered shirt, or duster, over his red uniform. According to Draper, German-born Frederick Hambright of the Lincoln County NC Militia turned and told the men, “Well, poys, when you see dot man mit a pig shirt on over his clothes, you may know who him is, and mark him mit your rifles.”  According to Thomas Young, a mile from the ridge the rebel van met George Watkins walking towards them. A patriot captive, Ferguson had just given him his parole. He confirmed that Ferguson and his men were still in the camp up ahead.

The horsemen had formed into two columns, two abreast, as they approached the staging point; Cambell led the right and Cleveland the left. Silence was ordered and men who lived a guerrilla war against Native Americans understood fully what was needed. They snaked over rain-soaked ground, across Ponder’s Branch and past King’s Creek. Draper wrote they wove their way “up a branch and ravine between two rocky knobs, beyond which the top of the mountain and the enemy’s camp upon it were in full view, about a hundred poles in front.” At 3 PM on Saturday afternoon, October 7, 1780, hidden amongst the woods on the east side of King’s Creek, the rebels halted. They were ordered to dismount and tie off their horses and guards were set to keep them quiet. Except for officers who remained mounted, the skilled woodsmen advanced on foot. Sixteen-year-old James Collins who rode with the New Acquisition District South Carolina Regiment under Colonel Samuel Watson recorded in his Autobiography that “everything was at stake – life, liberty, property, and even the fate of wife, children and friends seemed to depend on the issue: death or victory was the only way to escape suffering.”  The last general order was issued as the men crept to their position to surround the ridge, “Fresh prime your guns, and every man go into battle firmly resolving to fight till he dies.”

Battle of Kings Mountain, October 7, 1780

A half mile from the summit, the men split and advanced to their assigned positions to surround the ridge. Three main divisions were decided upon: Campbell’s to the south, Shelby’s mountain men to the north, and Cleveland’s along the northeast. They approached Ferguson’s position from the southwest leaving Cleveland’s division the longest route to take their position. Campbell’s Virginians crept to the southern base at the heel of Ferguson’s encampment. Next to them and lining the base of the ridge from heel to toe, in order, were McDowell, Winston, Hambright, and Chronicle. Opposite Campbell’s militia, at the northern side of the ridge from heel to toe in order were Sevier, Shelby, Williams, Lacey, and Cleveland. Chronicle’s men linked with Cleveland’s command completing the loop around Ferguson’s position. There was no set time to begin the attack. Each division was its own unit. Every man would fight as if he were his own command. James Collins wrote, “I was commanded this day by Major Chronicle and Capt. Watson. We were soon in motion, every man throwing four or five balls in his mouth to prevent thirst, also to be in readiness to reload quick.”

Loyalist Captain Alexander Chesney, of Daniel Plummer’s Fair Forest Tory militia, a Scotch-Irish whose 400-acre farm was about 24 miles from Kings Mountain, left us a valuable memoir of his time campaigning with Ferguson. That afternoon, Chesney mounted his horse and rode along the ridge to check on pickets. He had just returned when in his words, “so rapid was their attack that I was in the act of of dismounting to report that all was quiet and the pickets on the alert when we heard their firing about half a mile off. I immediately paraded the men and posted the officers…”  Once the attack began, Ferguson’s shrill whistle was heard above the din of men assembling. Having lost the use of his right arm, and the left gripping his horse’s reins, Ferguson could not gesture orders, but instead trained his men to respond to a series of whistles. He was so effective in this that when he was shot from his horse towards the end of battle, rebels recorded that the whistle was still clutched between his dead lips.

Most sources assert that Col. William Campbell on the south side of the heel launched his initial attack before the rest of the rebel force could get into position around the mountain. Shelby, across from Campbell immediately answered by launching his attack. Thomas Young who was with Colonel Brandon and Williams and fought with Colonel Benjamin Roebuck’s Spartan Regiment that day, was on the north side of the ridge. He assured in his diary that “The attack was begun on the north side of the mountain.” Once the attack started, it was every man for himself. Colonel William Hill whose South Carolina men were near Colonel Cleveland’s division on the north toe wrote, “…all that was required or expected was that every Officer and man should ascend the mountain so as to surround the enemy on all quarters which was promptly executed.” Young wrote that “The orders were at the firing of the first gun, for every man to raise a whoop, rush forward, and fight his way as best he could.”

Men poured up steep slopes, through the trees, around and over boulders, firing as they went. Collins wrote, “…they [rebels] were not exposed, the cliff being so steep as to cover them completely.” Young added that “Ben Hollingsworth and myself took right up the side of the mountain, and fought from tree to tree…” Loyalist Chelsey recorded “after driving in our piquets, they [rebels] were able to advance in three divisions under separate leaders to the crest of the hill in perfect safety until they took post and opened an irregular but destructive fire from behind trees and other cover…”  As the rebels ascended they discovered a particular disadvantage for the loyalists defending the top of the ridge. James Collins recorded, “The shot of the enemy soon began to pass over us like hail…” Tory Drury Mathis said they “were very generally over shooting.” Collins added, “Their great elevation above us had proved their ruin; they overshot us altogether, scarce touching a man, except those on horseback, while every rifle from below, seemed to have the desired effect.”

A piercing, blood curdling cry erupted from the forest and rolled over the crest. Captain Abraham DePeyster of American Volunteers, Ferguson’s second in command, had heard it before. During the carnage at Musgrove Mill, two months previous, witnessing the slaughter from rifles in the hands of these same mountain men. Preclude to the Civil War’s rebel yell, the wilderness ‘Indian war cry’ struck fear in those defending the ridge. DePeyster turned to Ferguson. “This is ominous,” he said. “These are the damned yelling boys.” From all around, the forest exploded in fire and smoke and yelling men. Like raging berserks of old, the untethered hounds of war tore through the woods to get at their enemy.

Author Buchanan wrote, “Patrick Ferguson fought the battle as if he were on an open field like Camden facing unsteady militia drawn up in formal ranks.”  Redcoat partisans from New Jersey and New York, approximately 70 American Volunteers, were positioned along the heel of the ridge, between Campbell and Shelby. They formed line and charged Campbell’s Virginians with fixed bayonets, the first to face the deadly steel blades. Captain Chesney was among the officers leading the charge, but did so on foot writing, “…during this short interval I received a wound which however did not prevent my doing duty; and on going towards my horse I found he had been killed by the first discharge.”  Draper recorded, “Some of the Virginians obstinately stood their ground till a few of them were thrust through the body; but being unable, with rifles only, to withstand such a charge, they broke and fled down the mountain…” Lt. Allaire, leading his company of redcoats, recorded the charge in a letter published in the New York Royal Gazette on February 24, 1781: “When our detachment charged, for the first time, it fell to my lot to put a Rebel Captain to death, which I did most effectually, with one blow of my sword; the fellow was at least six feet high, but I had rather the advantage, as I was mounted on an elegant horse, and he on foot.” 

The Virginians withdrew to the base of the ridge and blasts from Ferguson’s silver whistle recalled his redcoats back up the slope. They no sooner arrived then ordered to charge Shelby’s men attacking from the opposite side. As soon as Shelby’s and Sevier’s men were driven down the hill, the Volunteers were recalled to yet again charge Campbell’s division. Virginian officers had rallied their men and once rifles were reloaded, swarmed back to the fight. Meanwhile, Shelby’s men also regained their former positions and fired upon the returning redcoats. Three times the deadly blades of Ferguson’s loyalist redcoats chased the mountain men down the ridge, and three times the rebels pressed the attack. Each time gaining more and more ground while taking a deadly toll on the defenders. By the time the shooting stopped, over fifty redcoats would be sprawled on the ground; dead and horribly wounded with few of the injured surviving.

This pattern of charges then withdraws repeated itself multiple times around the ridge as the Carolina militia joined the fight. Ferguson rode the encampment. His shrill whistle cut through the screams of men and explosive roar from hundreds of firelocks, ordering them to counter the encroaching rebels. At the toe and near the wagons, Loyalist Captain Chesney wrote that “Col Cleveland’s was first perceived and repulsed by a charge made by Col Ferguson.”  Chesney expressed the frustration of repeatedly charging the rebels, only to draw back and face them again. “…by desire of Col. Ferguson I presented a new front which opposed it with success; by this time the Americans who had been repulsed had regained their former stations and sheltered behind trees poured in an irregular destructive fire; in this manner the engagement was maintained near an hour, the mountaniers flying whenever there was danger of being charged by the Bayonet…”

James Collins’s company, commanded by Capt. John Henderson, was attacking with William’s men alongside Cleveland wrote, “We soon attempted to climb the hill, but were fiercely charged upon and forced to fall back to our first position; we tried a second time, but met the same fate; the fight then seemed to become more furious. Colonel William Hill of South Carolina militia wrote that “the ground was so rough…that hey were not able to overtake the Americans in injure them…and when they had went a certain distance they had orders to retreat to their camp.” Ferguson continued to order fruitless charges after fleeing rebels, only to withdraw fewer men to reform. Exposed without barriers, they became targets of patriot militia firing as they crept ever closer to the summit, where nearly every shot seemed to find its mark.

Sixteen-year-old Robert Henry, one of William ‘Billy’ Chronicle’s South Fork Boys, fought at the toe of the ridge and spoke of the battle’s fierceness. Chronical raised his hat ten feet in front of his men and cried, “face to the hill,” whereupon the twenty-five-year-old was shot dead. Six feet from Henry, one William Rabb was killed. Lt. Col. Frederick Hambright took command and rode ahead. Men, including the young Henry followed. The Tories charged and one came right at Henry who “was in the act of cocking my gun when his bayonet was running along the barrel of my gun, and gave me a thrust through my hand and into my thigh; my antagonist and myself both fell.” Henry had fired when the Tory thrust the bayonet and lay dead on him, the bayonet still buried in the youth’s hand and thigh. Henry wrote, “the load must have passed through his bladder and cut a main artery, as he bled profusely.” The battle raged just feet from where Henry lay. The Fork boys reloaded. “I was then lying under the smoke  and it appeared that some of them were not more than a guns length in front of the bayonets….when they discharged their rifles. It was said that everyone dropped a man.”

Sixteen-year-old Young wrote of the intensity of shot and how the two forces identified friend from foe. “…I stood behind one tree and fired until the bark was nearly all knocked off, and my eyes pretty well filled with it. One fellow shaved me pretty close, for his bullet took a piece out of my gunstock. Before I was aware of it, I found myself apparently between my own regiment and the enemy, as I judged, from seeing the paper which the whigs wore in their hats, and the pine knots the Tories wore in theirs, these being the badges of distinction.”  Tory Drury Mathis related his experience when surrounded by mountain men, giving a clear description of his enemy to early historian Draper who recorded “…as the mountaineers passed over him [Drury], he would play possum; but he could plainly observe their faces and eyes; and to him…appeared like so many devils from the infernal regions, so full of excitement were they as they darted like enraged lions up the mountain. He said they were the most powerful looking men he ever beheld; not over-burdened with fat, but tall, raw-boned, and sinewy, with long matted hair – such men as were never before seen in the Carolinas.”

Steadfast and deadly persistent, the Virginians and over mountain men finally gained the summit on their third attack. By then, the remainder of the rebel army were nearing the summit and pouring a galling fire into the exposed enemy’s ranks. Collins of the South Carolina militia next to Cleveland’s North Carolina division wrote of their third assault and success at the summit writing, “Their leader, Ferguson came in full view, within rifle shot as if to encourage his men, who by this time were falling very fast; he soon disappeared. We took to the hill a third time; the enemy gave way; when we had gotten near the top, some of our leaders roared out ‘Hurrah, my brave fellows. Advance!”

Over forty minutes, the loyalists desperately held onto the summit, plunging down the sides to drive the rebels back, only to retrace their steps; each time losing more men to patriots hot on their heels. The over mountain men under Shelby, Sevier, and Campbell had finally gained the crest of the ridge at the heel. They drove the defenders back towards the Tory camp at the ball and toe where the Carolina militiamen were nearing the lip of the ridge. Collins wrote, “By this time, the right and left had gained the top of the cliff; the enemy was completely hemmed in on all sides, and no chance of escaping…” Fifteen minutes of close fighting at twenty to thirty yards remained. Fearful men huddled amidst drawn up wagons and flags of surrender began to show. But Ferguson would have none of it, spurring his white horse and slashing at the hoisted flags; all the while his shrill whistle rallied his men to fight on. The mountaineers closed in. Rebels continued to pour over the rim and raced to encircle the trapped loyalists; some firing at close pistol range of three to seven yards. Defenders fell in droves. Resistance was crumbling.

With the battle lost, some accounts claim Ferguson, along with a few officers, tried to slice through the rebel line to escape when shot. Others state he was still rallying his troops. Colonel John Sevier’s men closed in and had a bead on Ferguson’s bright checkered overshirt. Several lifted their rifles at once and a cascade of explosions ripped the air. Lead tore through the Scotsman, throwing him from his horse. A foot was jammed in a stirrup and he was dragged a short ways by his horse before his officers caught the animal and released his lifeless body. Romantic accounts of Ferguson’s last dying moments laced nineteenth century histories of the battle, claiming Ferguson shot Colonel Williams as he lay prone on the ground and before his last breath. This can be attributed to Captain Chelsey’s memoirs where he stated Ferguson killed Williams just as he was shot from his horse: “Col Ferguson was at last recognized by his gallantry although wearing a hunting shirt and fell pierced by seven balls at the moment he had killed the American Col1 Williams with his left hand; the- right being useless…”

Command fell to Ferguson’s second, Captain Abraham DePeyster, whose attempts to surrender led to the beginnings of revengeful slaughter by rebels crying out “give them Buford’s play;” this in reference to the earlier Battle of Waxhaws and the butchery of surrendering Continental troops under Colonel Abraham Buford by Lt. Colonel Banastre Tarleton’s Legion. Shots continued to pour into the loyalists, finding their mark as many cried out for quarter. Lt. Allaire wrote that, “Capt. DePeyster, on whom the command devolved, saw it impossible to form six men together, thought it necessary to surrender to save the lives of the brave men who were left.”  Capt. Chelsey wrote of DePeyster’s attempt to surrender as he “…sent out a flag of truce, but as the Americans resumed their fire afterwards ours was also renewed under the supposition that they would give no quarter ; and a dreadful havoc took place until the flag was sent out a second time, then the work of destruction ceased…”

Rebel officers tried to stop the carnage. Andrew Evins, Virginia rifleman, recorded that Col. Campbell ran up and knocked his gun up shouting, “Evins, for God’s sake, do not shoot! It is murder to kill them now, for they have raised the flag!” Campbell continue to run among his men ordering them to stop firing. Shelby was also in the thick of trying to halt the fighting, at the risk of his own life. Virginian Benjamin Sharp wrote, “At the close of the action, when the British were loudly calling for quarters, but uncertain whether they would be granted, I saw the intrepid Shelby rush his horse within fifteen paces of their lines, and commanded them to lay down their arms and they should have quarters….”  Order stored, the firing stopped and Chesney wrote “…the Americans surrounded us with double lines, and we grounded arms with the loss of one third our numbers.”

Casualties

Young rebel Collins, viewing the end of battle wrote that the “…situation of the poor Tories appeared to be really pitiable; the dead lay in heaps on all sides, while the groans of the wounded were heard in every direction.”  News of Ferguson’s death spread and riflemen gathered around the dead Scotsman to gaze on their fearful and hated enemy. Collins wrote of the loyalist’s chief, “it appeared that almost fifty rifles must have been leveled at him at the same time; seven rifle balls had passed through his body; both of his arms were broken, and his hat and clothing were literally shot to pieces.” The body was stripped naked as rebel officers helped themselves to the Scotsman’s belongings. Sevier and Shelby each obtained treasures while North Carolina militia leader Benjamin Cleveland claimed Ferguson’s white horse; his having been killed in battle.

There are no sources stating Ferguson’s body was urinated on and but one that claims Ferguson’s corpse was abused after death. Even Cornwallis, who later wrote to General Nathanael Greene about the treatment of loyalist prisoners, does not mention Ferguson’s treatment after death. The only reference to Ferguson’s treatment is Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton’s postwar memoir; “The mountaineers, it is reported used every insult and indignity, after the action, towards the dead body of Maj. Ferguson.”  Tarleton, who was not present and failed to give his source, often played down British defeats while taking liberties to twist facts to scorn his enemy. Ferguson was wrapped in a raw cow hide and buried below the crest. A cairn marks the site in which a memorial stone was added in 1930. Ferguson had two mistresses present with him on Kings Mountain; Virginia Sal and Virginia Paul. Virginia Sal, who was killed in the battle, was thought to have been buried with Ferguson. Considered legend, a modern scan of the grave indicated two bodies are buried beneath the cairn.

One hundred and fifty-seven dead Tories lay on the field and along the slopes where many fell charging the rebels. Another 163 were too badly wounded to be moved. Six hundred and ninety-eight prisoners would be at the mercy of their enraged enemy. Of Shelby recalled the Tory wounded were “weltering in their gore,” with many perishing by the next day. Collins was shocked by it all writing “I could not help turning away from the scene before me, with horror, and though exulting in victory, could not refrain from shedding tears. — “ Great God !” said I, “ Is this the fate of mortals, or was it for this cause that man was brought into the world ?”  Thomas Young, the other teenager wrote “Awful indeed was the stench of the wounded, the dying, and the dead on the field, after the carnage of that dreadful day.” David Witherspoon, private under Col. Cleveland, described the battle ground as heartrending in the extreme – groans of the dying, and the constant cry of water. So too John Spelts, one of the footmen who caught up and fought spoke of the pitiful state of wounded, “begging piteously for a little water…when emanating from the Tories, were little heeded.” After the slaughter, the dead and dying offered the victors the spoils of war; swords, horses, guns, and articles of fine clothing along with powder and shot were shared from officers to privates.

Twenty-eight rebels were killed. Among them was Colonel James Williams who tried to take Sumter’s command then hijack the mountain men to rid his South Carolina district of Tories. Thomas Young witnessed Williams’ getting shot while at the head of his men writing, “On the top of the mountain, in the thickest of the right, I saw Col. Williams fall, and a braver or a better man never died upon the field of battle.” Thirteen of Campbell’s officers were killed. A large number; however, as mentioned, officers rode into battle and those firing from above shot high, often hitting officers first. Sixty-two rebels were wounded; many later dying from their wounds.

After the Battle. Burial, March of Terror

Tory wounded spent the night without water nor medical attention; several not surviving the night. Collins described the scene with daybreak, “Next morning, which was Sunday, the scene became really distressing; the wives and children of the poor Tories came in, in great numbers. Their husbands, fathers, and brothers, lay dead in heaps, while others lay wounded or dying; a melancholy sight indeed!”  Young wrote of the price of war, horrors amidst the historic telling of glorious deeds; “We proceeded to bury the dead, bury it was badly done; they were thrown into convenient piles, and covered with old logs, the bark of old trees, and rocks; yet not so as to secure them from becoming a prey to the beasts of the forest, or the vultures of the air; and the wolves became so plenty, that it was dangerous for anyone to be out at night for several miles around; also, the hogs in the neighborhood gathered into the place to devour the flesh of men…I saw myself, in passing the place a few weeks after, all parts of the human frame lying scattered in every direction.”

The rebel leaders knew Cornwallis was a day’s ride east at Charlotte. Rumors ran wild that Tarleton’s Legion was riding hard towards them. All haste was made to round up the Tory prisoners and get them on the road back toward Gilbert Town by 10 AM. Captain Chelsey wrote of the prisoners’ terrible conditions that first night on the battle field and a march of terror, “We passed the night on the spot where we surrendered amidst the dead and groans of the dying who had not surgical aid, or water to quench their thirst; Early next morning we marched at a rapid pace towards Gilbert’s town between double lines of mounted Americans ; the officers in the rear and obliged to carry two muskets each which was my fate although wounded and stripped of my shoes and silver buckles in an inclement season without covering or provisions until Monday night  when an ear of Indian corn was served to each…”  The column had camped Sunday night at Fondren’s Plantation where campfires roasted sweet potatoes from a large field that supplied the rebel army. Prisoners were not fed.

There was much animosity and hatred between those who prior to war were neighbors. Loyalist wounded who could not keep up had been left to die. One named Branson saw his rebel brother-in-law, Capt. James Withrow, and begged for help. “Look to your friends for help,” Withrow shot back. Lt. Allaire wrote, “Several of the militia…not being able to keep up, were cut down and trodden to death in the mire.” It was reported that Colonel William Brandon hacked to death a Tory who tried to escape and was found hiding in a hollow sycamore tree. And Col. Cleveland, renowned for his brutality with Tories, beat a surgeon for dressing a wounded loyalist. So many prisoners were plundered and killed that Colonel Campbell issued a General Order on October 11^th, south of Gilbert Town: “I must request the officers of all ranks in the army to endeavor to restrain the disorderly manner of slaughtering and disturbing the prisoners…”  By the time the wretched column reached Gilbert Town, the starving prisoners were fed. John Spelts told early historian Draper that the “prisoners were thrown raw corn on the cob and raw pumpkins, just as farmers throw feed to their hogs.”

Prisoners Hanged

Captain Chesney wrote “at Gilbert’s town a mock trial was held.”  Nine miles northeast of Gilbert Town, at Biggerstaff, North Carolina, the column encamped. Colonel Campbell met with the other colonels to decide the fate of their prisoners. It was decided to keep the volunteer rebel army whole until the 650 or so prisoners could be marched to the Moravian village at Salem (present Winston-Salem) 120 miles northeast of Gilber Town. At the council, several colonels argued that General Cornwallis had issued an order for parole breakers to be hanged, which Tory Colonel Thomas Brown had done to thirteen rebels after the failed First Siege of Augusta. Other similar incidents were related. Therefore, it was decided that those among their captives who were accused of breaking parole and or plundering and house burning should suffer the same fate.

Thirty-six loyalists were chosen to be hanged. Colonel Ambrose Mills of North Carolina, a man considered of high character and widely respected prior to the war was the first to dangle from the rope. Though his only charge was that he had incited the Cherokee against the frontiersman, the reason he was chosen, as were several other prominent loyalists who would hang that day, was as an example to loyalists throughout the region; you take up arms for the crown, you die. The thirty-six were tried and found guilty. The executions were immediate. A large oak tree was selected, later named the Gallows Oak. The hangings took place at night. The condemned were brought out to the oak in threes. Hundreds of rebel militiamen surrounded the oak four deep to witness the hangings, their pine knot torches held above grim faces.

One by one, the victims were placed on horses or logs. Nooses were tightened around necks before horses were swatted or logs kicked out. Not enough to break necks, amidst the dancing shadows of pine torches, the men kicked violently, eventually strangling to death. Nine met their gruesome end before Colonel Isaac Shelby could stomach it no longer and put an end to it. The next three in line were released as were the others. Rumors once more warned that Tarleton would arrive by morning and by 2 AM, the rebel column with prisoners in tow, were on the road to Salem; the nine bodies left dangling from the oak’s massive limbs. They were: Col. Ambrose Mills, Capt. James Chitwood, Capt. Robert Wilson, Capt. Walker Gilkey, Capt. Arthur Grimes, Lt. Thomas Lafferty, John McFall, John Bibby, and Augustine Hobbs. The bodies were cut down. Seven were buried in a nearby shallow trench. Captain Chitwood’s daughters took his body away. Draper tells us Ambrose Mills was placed in a wagon and drive home: “Mrs. Mills with a young child in her arms set out all night in the rain with her husband’s corpse and not even a blanket to cover her from the inclemency of the weather.”

Afterward

After American losses at Carolina, Camden, and Fishing Creek, loyalist moral was at its peak with many Kings’ Men carrying arms for the crown. Rebel southern resistance continued, but hung on by a thread, with spotty victories against detached Tory and British forces. Moral among the rebellion’s patriots was low as was recruiting volunteer militiamen. After Kings Mountain, patriot moral soared. Rebels who gave their parole after Charleston broke their pledge to rejoin the fight. Whereas the devastation of Ferguson’s force at Kings Mountain was a terrible blow to Tory backcountry militiamen. They never recovered the former enthusiasm to fight for the crown. Recruitment for Cornwallis’ army was at an all time low and would remain as such for the rest of the war.  

Ferguson was in a shallow grave when Cornwallis finally received the Scotsman’s first correspondence that he had been trying to snag the rebel Clarke and was marching toward Charlotte. After not hearing further word, Tarleton was finally well enough to ride out looking for the tardy major. When Cornwallis received word of the disaster to Ferguson’s force and that his entire left flank of loyalists was annihilated, His Lordship called off his invasion of North Carolina. He retreated to South Carolina, to Winnsboro, where he regrouped, delaying his reentry into North Carolina by four months. But in those four months, major changes took place that would doom England’s hopes in seeking victory in the south.

Supreme British commander General Henry Clinton summed it best when he admitted that the patriot militia’s victory at King’s Mountain, “unhappily proved the first link in a chain of evils that followed each other in regular succession until they at last ended in the total loss of America.” Cornwallis faced new leadership in the Continental Army under Daniel Morgan and Nathanael Greene. Three months after King’s Mountain, Tarleton was defeated by General Morgan at Cowpens, January 17, 1781. The American victory took out a quarter of the main British army that included Cornwallis’ entire corps of light infantry. A futile and brutal pursuit of Greene, along with Cornwallis’ Pyrrhic victory at the Battle of Guilford Courthouse on March 15, 1781, left His Lordship’s worn out and battered too weak to further campaign. This forced Cornwallis to seek rest and supplies along the coast. His Lordship’s decision to join with British forces in Virginia led to France gaining naval superiority and the entrapment of Cornwallis’ army at Yorktown; sealing the war’s outcome for the rebellion.

Shelby and Sevier would continue to lead bands of mountain men for most of the war, both men entering politics prior to the cessation of violence. Both American Volunteer Loyalists Lt. Allaire and Capt. Chesney would escape during the long march to Salem, North Carolina. Allaire would make his way to Charleston and eventually join the other thousands of southern loyalists who sought a new life in New Brunswick, Canada. Chesney would remain with the army and become a scout for Lt. Col. Tarleton, seeing action at Cowpens. The Battle of Kings Mountain National Park was established on March 3, 1931. It is in York and Cherokee Counties, South Carolina and adjoins Kings Mountain State Park. The park terminates the Overmountain Victory National Historic Trail. Major Ferguson’s grave is prominent along a detailed historic trail of the battle site.

IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO READ MORE, CHECK OUT THESE RECOMMENDED BOOKS

OF FURTHER INTEREST ON REVOLUTIONARY WAR JOURNAL

Battle of Cane Creek and Major Ferguson’s Fatal Proclamation

Major Patrick Ferguson and the Breechloading Rifle

Colonel Isaac Shelby

Battle of Musgrove Mill: Renowned for its Ferocity

Southern Militia in the American Revolution

American Revolution In the South: A Brutal Civil War

Road to Camden: The Southern War of the American Revolution

RESOURCE

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Buchanan, John.  The Road to Guilford Courthouse. 1997: John Wiley & Sons Inc., New York, NY.

Chesney, Alexander edited by Jones, Alfred E.   The Journal of Alexander Chesney, A South Carolina Loyalist in the Revolution and After.  1820: Ohio State University Bulletin, Vol. XXVI, No. 7 (Oct. 30, 1921), University of Ohio, Columbus. OH.

Collins, James. Autobiography of a Revolutionary Soldier 1859: Printed by John M. Roberts, Clinton, LA.

Commager, Henry Steele & Morris, Richard B. editors. The Spirit of Seventy-Six: The Story of the American Revolution as Told by its Participants: 2002 Edition: Castle Books, Edison, New Jersey.

Crawford, Alan Pell.  This Fierce People, The Untold Story of America’s Revolution in the South.  2024: Alfred A. Knopf, New York, NY.

Corbitt, D. L. “Two Documents on the Battle of King’s Mountain.” The North Carolina Historical Review,  Vol. 8, No. 3 (July, 1931), pp. 348-352.

Draper, Lyman Copeland.  Kings Mountain and its Heroes: History of the Battle of Kings Mountain… 1881: Peter G. Thompson, Cincinnati, OH.

Dykeman, Wilma.  The Battle of King’s Mountain 1780  With Fire and Sword.  1978: U.S. Park Service, Washington, DC.

Foster, Stephen.  “The Battle of King’s Mountain.” The American Historical Magazine, Vol. 1, No. 1 (January, 1896), pp. 22-47.

Gray, Robert, annotated by Sherman, William Thomas.  “Colonel Robert Gray’s Observations on the War in Carolina.” South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, Vol. XI, No. 3, (July 1910).

Kings Mountain National Military Park 

Lynch, Wayne.  “A Fresh Look at Major Ferguson.” Sept. 11, 2017   All Things Liberty.

McCrady, Edward. History of South Carolina in the Revolution 1775-1780, Vol. III. 1969: Russell, New York, NY.

Southern, Ed (editor). Voices of the American Revolution in the Carolinas. 2009: John F. Blair Publishing, Durham, NC.

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Smith, Steven.  “Military Sites Program Follows in the Footsteps of Lieutenant Anthony Allaire.” n Legacy, Volume 9, Issue 3, 2005, pages 15-17.

Ward, Christopher.  The War of the Revolution. 1952: MacMillan, New York, NY.  2021: Reissue by Skyhorse Publishing, New York, NY.