Battle of Golden Hill New York City: First Blood Spilt in the American Revolution

The first major clash between British soldiers and a colonial mob was not the March 5, 1770 Boston Massacre, a title given by Boston’s skilled propogandists. The first instance of open aggression between opposing forces in America occurred in New York City, on January 19, 1770, nearly two months prior.  After the 1763 conclusion of the Seven Years War (French and Indian War), many Americans resented a series of acts by the British Parliament to collect much needed revenue from their colonies. These rebellious ‘patriots’ expressed their anger against loyalists, British agents of trade, and the regular soldiers posted to the colonies. Most often the activists labeled “Sons of Liberty”, or “The Cudgel Boys” by loyalists, turned to violent acts such as tar and feathering or destroying one’s home and property to achieve their goals.   

As often, there is always two sides to every confrontation and whereas the colonials saw British soldiers as a target for frustration, the common soldier felt as if he were caught in the middle. These troopers were mainly young boys from the poorest sections of England who were paid almost nothing for their service. They were shipped to America whose populace were extremely healthy with a high standard of living far beyond England.  These soldiers saw themselves as subjects of ridicule and abuse by a people who did not appreciate their long hours on duty protecting the crown’s citizens.  Tensions naturally built up for some years and it was only a matter of time before blood was shed.  Both incidents in New York and Boston were protests against British control of colonials who had been accustomed to self-government for decades. Boston saw three injuries and five deaths while New York’s confrontation resulted in multiple and severe injuries and one possible death. Both heralded a path to war and the ultimate birth of a new nation. So why, since the fierce encounter at New York took place before Boston’s violent encounter, do text books and popular thought refer to Boston as being the first blood of the American Revolution. And why has New York’s early violence been largely forgotten?

What became known as The Battle of Golden Hill New York City, January 19, 1770, was basically a ferocious mob brawl between dozens of British regulars and colonials.  Since the repeal of the hated Stamp Act in 1766, a liberty pole was hoisted on “The Fields”, what later became known as “The Commons” at the north end of Broadway.  British troops were housed in The Fields and of course, the pole was in clear view of their barracks.  What at first was a celebration to the King and the removal of the Stamp Act, to the British common soldier, it was an act of defiance and insult to British rule of law. Soldiers took it upon themselves over the next several years to take it down, only to see it raised once again by the patriot colonials.

After the soldiers chopped the Liberty Pole down a fourth time, things got out of hand.  On January 19^th, on Golden Hill, colonials and British troopers came to blows.  The soldiers drew swords and bayonets and brutally slashed their way through an angry crowd of colonials who fought back with knives and clubs, including a halberd (large double-bladed ax). It was vicious and savage, leaving, it is believed, one dead and many wounded lying in the street, their blood flowing along the cobble stones from horrid wounds. This article will examine what led to and occurred that cold January night in New York City. Also, the aftermath and why it was so quickly forgotten for the more infamous confrontation in Boston two months later.

Golden Hill Then and Now

olden Hill was once the highest area on the tip of Manhattan.  When New York was New Amsterdam in the 17^th century, boweries or Dutch farms fanned out from what was then a large village.  Atop of this sloping hill was a field of grain that weaved gracefully in gentle breezes and shimmered like gold in the sunshine; hence its name Golden Hill.  Lt. Barnard Ratzer of the 60^th Regiment of Foot was given the assignment of mapping New York in 1766. It took him a full year to produce a detailed map of streets, waterways, farms, and important buildings and dockside slips.  The map was published in 1770 and three original copies still exist.

Clearly marked is a street named Golden Hill as well as obvious brush strokes indicating the hill that encompassed the area.  A study of the map shows John Street running west to east from Broadway just north of Trinity Church. Where John Street intersects William Street (running north and south) John becomes Golden Hill Street.  Golden Hill Street carries on past Queen, Dock and Water Streets to the East River at Rodman Slip; Beekman Slip is just to the north and the Long Island Ferry is just to the south.  The street just south and downhill from John and Golden and running parallel was Maiden Lane with Crown running into it a little further east.  Maiden ran across town to the East River at the Long Island Ferry.  Important to note was the Fly Market which lay along Maiden between Queen and Dock Streets. Another street ran uphill from Maiden, given the title of Rutgers Hill, and atop, Gold Street which ran north and crossed Golden Hill at its summit.

As Albert Ulmann wrote in 1901 in his text A Landmark History of New York, “the hill is still here, and perhaps plenty of gold, but not the kind that gave the historic place its name.”  Today, the long weaving golden grains that once covered the area lays beneath the towering buildings of New York’s financial district. However, many of the original street names remain, particularly the intersection of John and William Street that cross Golden Hill, where the incident that bears its name occurred.  

Liberty Pole

The Battle of Golden Hill lay rooted in the symbolic importance colonial ‘patriots’ attributed to liberty poles raised throughout the British colony’s town squares and cities. Liberty poles can be traced to Rome, when senators responsible for Emperor Caesar’s assassination paraded the streets with large poles topped by the skullcap of freed slaves. Libertas, the Roman goddess of liberty, was often shown holding out a pileus (soft conical cap associated with liberty) and carrying a pole or rod. This referred to the ceremony of granting freeman status to a slave. The symbolism of being liberated from slavery resurfaced during and after the Renaissance. The liberty pole became a common depiction of liberty with smaller versions either carried by hand or erecting large poles affixed to the ground as flagstaffs. It is thought this imagery was introduced in Britain in the late 17^th century by the Dutch ruler, William III who accepted the throne of England.  So, it was natural that rebellious English colonists sought a proper symbol, such as the liberty pole, to represent their self-governance and soon after, dissatisfaction with the English government.

Sons of Liberty

The name Sons of Liberty was given to organizations of rebellious ‘patriotic’ activists. They got their start among those who protested the British Stamp Act of 1765 (passed on March 22^nd). Parliamentarian Isaac Barre gave a passionate speech in February, 1765 in which he labeled those who had opposed British revenue acts as the “sons of liberty.”  Elite New England’s patriotic leaders in Boston soon after established the first of these Sons of Liberty bands, made up mostly of rough and tumble dock and skilled workers called mekanics; these ‘wharf rats’ and ‘tavern mongers’ provided the muscle for the growing revolt. They quickly spread south to other colonies. What set this organization off from other protests was their readily acceptance of violence as a means to an end.  Brute force was justified by the Sons of Liberty because it represented a “true loyalty” to preserving their constitutional rights for self-government.

Stamp Act Repealed and the First Liberty Pole

The hated Stamp Act that had been approved in March of 1765 and enacted later that year in November, had been repealed in March 1766.  When news of its repeal reached New York City on May 20^th, 1766, there was much celebration.  Patriots toasted the act’s demise and particularly in one tavern located near the Commons, the Montagne House or Tavern.[1] The tavern would prove to be a favorite meeting place for the New York’s Sons of Liberty from the time the organization first formed in December 1765 until the outbreak of war some ten years later.    It was decided that a special event should mark the act’s repeal.  The first liberty pole was erected on the New York City Commons, then called ‘The Fields’ (north on Broadway) on June 4, 1766, King George’s birthday. A large bonfire was lit, the royal standard raised to cheers but importantly, a large pole, simply called ‘the mast’ at the time, was raised bearing the inscription, “To his Most Gracious Majesty George the Third, Mr. Pitt, and Liberty”.  Twenty-eight cannon were fired and later that evening, a large feast was held at the Governor’s residence in Fort George attended by all the local administrators of the city.  This first of many liberty poles was to serve as a rallying point for colonial activists for the next several years; a visible sign of rebellion to British attempts at raising what they believed was rightfully due revenue.

New York’s Sons of Liberty and ‘King Sears’

Any mention of New York City’s ‘Sons of Liberty’ must include an understanding that one man had total influence over the organization.  Isaac Sears, known as “King Sears”, would lead this group of ‘fisted roughs’ with a firm hand.  A ship’s captain and privateer from the last war, the thirty-five-year-old Massachusetts native was a natural leader.  He was quick to decision and just as quick to use violence to obtain his means. Loyalists and aristocrats feared his power to mobilize the working ‘meckanics’ and street people into rowdy mobs at the drop of a hat. When the Stamp Act was initiated, he used threats of death to prevent their use as well as violence towards anyone breaking the Non-importation Agreement long before the colonies agreed to the agreement.  (The Non-importation Agreement was in response to the British Townshend Revenue Act of 1767 – whereas colonials agreed not to import or export items to or from Britain.)  British military engineer John Montresor called him Sears “spawn of liberty and inquisition” while Vice Admiral Samuel Graves listed Sears as the “most active leader and agitator of the rebellion.” Sears was at the head of nearly every demonstration of mob violence in New York City from 1766 until the advent of war.  In the Battle of Golden Hill, he would be at the helm and main instigator of the colonial mob that violently confronted British Soldiers.

Liberty Pole First Cut Down, August 10, 1766

Two months after the ‘mast’ to the King was erected, on August 10^th, a group of soldiers from the 28^th regiment who were quartered in the Upper Barracks on the Commons where the mast sat, cut it down.  Isaac Sears called a meeting of his Sons of Liberty and on the next day, the 11^th, they attempted to erect another pole in the same place.  While doing so, soldiers rushed among them and with bayonets and swords, “some sheathed and some unsheathed… cutting and slashing every one that fell in their way – the people retreated…”[2]  Reportedly Isaac Sears had sustained a wound and shortly after, recommended that a liberty tree should be established instead.  However, the townspeople decided to erect another pole and did so shortly after.  While officers contained their rank and file, the mast was raised and dedicated to the King, Mr. Pitt, and Liberty as before.

After the March 18,1767 celebration of the repeal of the hated Stamp Act, later that evening, soldiers cut down the liberty pole. The next day, on the 19^th, Isaac Sears and his Sons of Liberty erected yet another this the third mast, a more substantial pole and secured it with iron hoops several feet up from the ground. The very next night, March 20^th, soldiers attempted to cut it down without success.  Over the next several days, soldiers continued their attempt to destroy the pole. On the 21^st, a Saturday night, soldiers attempted to blow it up after boring a hole in the pole and filling it with gunpowder. This reportedly failed. The next night, the Sons of Liberty had set up a strong guard around the pole. A small company of soldiers appeared armed with “bludgeons and bayonets”, but finding the pole guarded, turned away. The next evening, March 23^rd, a group of soldiers marched toward the pole, but when passing “the tavern at which the repeal of the stamp act had been celebrated, they fired their muskets, two of which were pointed at the building.”[3]  This proved to be the last straw for British officers who had beforehand encouraged their regulars to destroy the pole. The next evening, the 24^th, as the soldiers were heading toward the pole with a ladder, they were turned back by their officers and the governor issued orders for restraining any future attempt at cutting the pole down.  This seemed to settle the affair for the time being.

Townsend Act Muddies the Water

In 1767, Charles Townsend, chancellor of the exchequer, in an administration formed by Lord Chatham, introduced an act in Parliament that was to carry his name. It was another attempt to raise revenue by taxing certain articles.  On June 29, 1767, the bill was carried that imposed duties on tea, glass, paper, and painters colors imported into the colonies from England. Needless to say, like the Stamp Act, it was vigorously resented by colonists in America until its repeal three years later.  During this period, patriots continued to celebrate the repeal of the Stamp Act by recognizing King George’s birthday, each June 4^th.  British soldiers joined in the recognition of His Majesty’s birth by firing Fort George’s cannon to be answered by twenty-one cannon on the Common.  At this time the mast, now called liberty pole, also suspended a flag that indicated loyalty to the crown.  However, to the regular rank and file soldiers stationed at the Commons, the liberty pole remained a visual symbol of colonial defiance to British rule. By the beginning of 1770, relations between England and America had deteriorated to the point that local assemblies had been dissolved and replaced by those loyal to the British. Broadsides and pamphlets which advertised each side’s arguments were commonly posted and a point of contention. After the Sons of Liberty posted a broadside entitled, “To the Betrayed Inhabitants of the City and Colony of New York”, a group of soldiers of the 16^th regiment decided to take it upon themselves to do away with the impertinent patriot symbol.

Actions Leading up to the Battle of Golden Hill, January 13, 1770

On Saturday night, January 13^th, a party of soldiers, approximately forty in number, from the 16^th regiment, decided to take down the liberty pole. Hoping to destroy the pole before noticed, they placed sentinels along the roads that led to the commons as well as public houses (taverns and inns), this to alarm their fellow soldiers if any colonials headed towards the Commons.  At the pole, soldiers began to saw through the metal hoops protecting the base of the pole. They were quickly spotted by some persons crossing the fields who went to Montagne’s Tavern, the popular drinking establishment among the Sons of Liberty. They supposedly told a group of patrons including a Captain White, who immediately left towards the pole. He was reportedly stopped by a soldier who drew his bayonet on him and threatened him with death if he sounded the alarm. The soldier left to warn his companions while White might have returned to the tavern for by then, several had come out and called out fire to draw attention to what was occurring.

The soldiers had cut through the iron hoops and sliced a cavity in the pole in which gunpower was placed. They lit a fuse and as citizens gathered to watch and call out, the fuse died out and the expected explosion failed.  More townsmen joined in ridiculing and taunting the soldiers which only served to anger the regulars.  Several soldiers left the Commons and, in a rage, followed some of the citizens to the Montagne Tavern. They confronted the townsmen who retired into the house. The soldiers broke through windows and stormed Montagne Tavern. With drawn swords and bayonets, they insulted all within, beat up one of the waiters, and proceeded to destroy everything in sight including, according to newspaper accounts, lamps, bowls, and eighty-four panes of glass [other accounts list seventy-six panes]. Once satisfied, they hastily left lest an officer discovered them in the act.  A British guard was assigned to the pole and no further violence occurred that night.  

Liberty Pole Destroyed and Soldiers Advertise their Side of the Story

On January 16^th, three days after the Montagne Tavern was assaulted, the soldiers made good on their initial attention and that night, around midnight, exploded the pole. They chopped it up and left the remnants at the door of Mr. Montagne’s Tavern. When the remains of the pole was discovered, the bell of St. George’s Chapel in Beekman Street rang out. The Sons of Liberty quickly organized a demonstration at the Commons beside the destroyed Liberty Pole. Over three thousand townspeople were reported in attendance. The event produced a resolution that any soldiers who should be found out of their barracks after the roll was called, should be treated as enemies to the peace of the city.

Though cooler heads tried to calm both parties, tension escalated over the next couple of days.  Many of the British soldiers believed that they were not deserving of the townspeople wrath as they were assigned to the city as protectors and had been doing their job satisfactorily.  Broadsides and pamphlets were commonly posted whenever an individual or organization wished to inform others of their position.  Several soldiers decided to publish a paper listing their complaints against the Sons of Liberty and try to explain their point of view.  The paper described the Sons of Liberty as the real enemies of the city’s inhabitants and mocked the patriot organization as “great heroes who thought their freedom depended on a piece of wood [liberty pole]”.  The paper also listed how soldiers have suffered long days in scorching heat and severe, freezing, snowy nights defending the colonial residents.  It was “addressed to the public for which, may the shame they mean to brand our names with, stick on theirs. Signed by the 16^th Regiment of Foot.”   Included was a short poem:

God and a Soldier all men doth adore; In Time of War, and not before: When the War is over, and all Things righted; God is forgotten, and the Soldier slighted.[4]

New York Gazette

Most of what we know that happened at the Battle of Golden Hill on January 19^th was recorded in the February 5^th, 1770 edition of the New York Gazette, written by a concerned citizen on January 31^st.  By 1770, there had been several New York Gazette’s since the first started by William Bradford in 1725.  The New York Gazette by 1770 was considered a propaganda tool for rebellious patriots. Loyalists called it “the principal organ of the Sons of Liberty.”  The changed when British forces claimed New York City in 1776 and James Rivington published the New York Gazetteer, with a distinct loyalist proclivity.

January 19^th Battle of Golden Hill

Once the handbills were printed, a group of troopers began to post them.  None of the accounts fixed a time for the spark that started the riot.  There were further infrequent incidents reported later that night so it can be assumed it was perhaps mid-afternoon when Isaac Sears and Walter Quackenbos, a baker descendant of early Dutch settlers, spotted half a dozen soldiers heading towards the Fly Market area.  This was an open-air market along Maiden Street, between Queen and Water Street, one block up from the East River and Rodman Slip and the Long Island Ferry.  Supposedly, Sears saw them post broadsides and he and Quackenbos approached the soldiers.  Though the Sons of Liberty regularly posted their opinions openly, no doubt Sears believed the soldiers should not be given the same freedom to advertise their thoughts.  Sears reportedly grabbed the trooper by the collar and demanded what business he had to ‘put up libels against the inhabitants.’  Sears then claimed that he would bring them to the Mayor to answer for their activity.  When Quackenbos took the arm of the soldier holding the papers, another trooper drew his bayonet.  As the story goes, Sears immediately threw a Ram’s Horn that struct the soldier in the head. [Why Sears would be walking the streets of New York with a ram’s horn has never been explained].  All the soldiers, except the two that were seized, took off to spread the alarm among the barracks. At that point, Sears and Quackenbos hauled the two soldiers before the mayor.

As it so happened, Sears didn’t have to go far with his prisoners for Mayor Hicks residence was just a stone throw from the fly market area. Hicks was an old family from Flushing, Long Island dating back to 1641. A loyalist, he had been mayor since 1766 and would retain his title until June 1776, when he was forced to give up his office because of his fealty to the crown.  He lived at 184 Queen Street. The house was on the south side of the street, about twenty feet west of Maiden Lane and very near the Fly Market.  Sears explained why he brought the two soldiers before Hicks and demanded action. Hicks, a somewhat soft-spoken, rather timid man, immediately sent for Alderman Elias Desbrosses to consult on how to handle the matter.  Meanwhile, things were getting out of hand.  Word of the incident between Sears and the soldiers was spreading and a considerable number of people began to collect opposite to the Mayor’s residence. Soon, about twenty soldiers from the lower barracks were seen approaching “through the main street” armed with cutlass and bayonets.  The Gazette reported that when they passed Peter Remsen’s residence, he “endeavored to dissuade them from going any further, representing to them that they would get into a scrape.”  The newspaper states that “his advice was not taken, owing, as he supposes, to one of two of their leaders who seemed to be intoxicated.”

[The upper barracks was in the Commons northern point of Broadway and the largest building on the island, capable of housing 500 troops.  The lower barracks was within Fort George, across town from the fly market and much smaller.  Officers were mainly housed in colonial homes.  The main street from the lower barracks and quickest route to the Mayor’s house would have been Queen Street.  Also, of note – as to the lead soldier’s intoxication, it should be taken into consideration that the Gazette, at this time, took a strong patriot slant in its reporting.]

Situation at First Seemed to be Resolved

When the soldiers got near the Mayor Hicks’ residence, the crowd of onlookers parted to let them pass.  According to the Gazette, a Captain Richardson [an extensive search gave no further information on Capt. Richardson – all led back to the 1770 Gazette newspaper account], along with some citizenry, blocked the door of the mayor’s house.  Several soldiers drew their bayonets and swords, calling out to their two fellow soldiers inside. Reportedly, several townsmen saw this and “ran to some sleighs that were near and pulled out some of the rungs,” including stakes and clubs from some cart before returning.   When some of the soldiers tried to force their way in, Richardson and the others prevented it, calling out for them to sheath their weapons and go back to their barracks. So too, the two soldiers inside called out to their friends to head back to their barracks and leave them to the determination of the mayor.  The crowd continued to grow as some local magistrates joined their ranks. At that point, Mayor Hink and Alderman Desbrosses, “appeared at the door and ordered the armed soldiers to return to the barracks. After some time, the soldiers finally listened to the mayor’s pleas and began to retire, followed by many of the crowd. As they were heading up towards the summit [some accounts state when they made the summit] of Golden Hill, St. John Street between William Street and Cliff Street, they were met by a large gathering of soldiers. They were from the Upper Barracks at the Commons and were led by an officer who wore “silk stockings and neat buckskin breeches”; who was thought to be a common soldier in disguise.

First Physical Contact

The passage up to Golden Hill from the Fly was considered very narrow and packed with following townsmen. The soldiers, their ranks now strengthened, decided to renew their attempt to free their two friends. They turned around to head back down to the mayor’s house.  Words were no doubt exchanged when the ‘officer’, in a commanding voice, called out, “soldiers draw your bayonets and cut your way through them.” Supposedly some called out as they attacked, “Where are you Sons of Liberty now?”   Most of the citizens were ‘naked’ [without arms]; only half a dozen had clubs and sticks for defense.  Reportedly, the townsmen held the line along the narrow passageway against the crush of soldiers who were “cutting and slashing” with their steel weapons. The citizens maintained their ground until one aimed a blow at a soldier and his stick.  It flung from his hand and he immediately turned and ran back down the road.  This broke the line of townsmen who quickly withdrew with the rest of the soldiers rushing down the hill after them.  When the soldiers made the main street [this would have been Maiden Street – one block up from Queen Street and the mayor’s residence], they took out their revenge “madly attacking every person they could reach.”

As the soldiers pursued the townsmen down Maiden, one of them “made a stroke with a cutlass at Mr. Francis Field, a Quaker, standing in an inoffensive posture in Mr. Field’s door, at the corner [perhaps William Street or Rutgers Hill Street and Maiden], and cut him on the right cheek, and if the corner had not broke the stroke, it would have probably killed him.”  The soldiers continued rushing down Maiden where they “cut a tea-water man driving his cart, and a fisherman’s finger.”  Other soldiers still rushed down from Golden Hill.  They cut a sailor’s head and finger as the man was trying to defend himself.  They also stabbed another passing sailor with a bayonet, “so badly that his life was thought in danger.”  This sailor is the person with whom reports vary.  He was so badly wounded that it was reported in some accounts that he later died from his wounds, but this was never soundly verified.  According to the Gazette account, two soldiers followed a boy “going for sugar into Mr. Elsworth’s House,” and cut him on the head with a cutlass, while another lunged his bayonet at the woman in the entry who was trying to save the child.  Captain Richardson was in the thick of things welding a stick until he was handed a halberd by Mr. Targee which became very handy at keeping the soldiers at bay. [Halberd – large axe with spike at end attached to long poles – old weapon whose use had become more ceremonial].

The Gazette reported that as the brawl spilt out onto the main streets, another group of soldiers appeared opposite the street that came down from the hill. [These soldiers would have been from the lower barracks at Fort George. They would have headed down Beaver before turning north onto Smith Street that descends a hill to where Crown intersects Maiden one block up from the Fly Market area.  The road opposite was William Street that ascended Golden Hill to John Street where much of the action took place.]  The soldiers, seeing their friends battling townsmen supposedly called out “to cut their way down, and they would meet them half way.”  While this was occurring, further down Maiden, at the Fly Market, a small party of soldiers stopped near a Mr. Norwood’s resident where a group of citizens had gathered. A shouting match started in which the soldiers drew their bayonets and the unarmed mob “cast about,” looking for stones and sticks in which to defend themselves. One of the soldiers reportedly tried to stab a Mr. John White who took flight down the street towards the Mayor’s house. The soldier took off after him, but White got away when the trooper tripped over a gutter and fell.

There is no estimated time as to how long the brawl had lasted. At this stage, there were many bruised and cut citizens and soldiers, some were severely beaten with knife and stab wounds. As word of the riot continued to spread, more town magistrates and British officers showed up to gain control and disperse the crowds.  Saner minds prevailed and the combatants returned to their barracks and homes.  Tempers still flared; later that evening soldiers cut a lamp lighter on the head while toppling a ladder out from another while he was lighting the street lamp, severely injuring him. There are no reports as to the exact nature of injuries to both sides. It is not clear if any of the more severely wounded resulted in one death as some accounts state. No documentation lists the name of anyone killed – however, some of the wounds resulted in men being run through with a bayonet which often resulted in infection and death.

One More Day of Altercation and Violence

The next day, Saturday, January 20^th, it was reported that a soldier thrust a bayonet through the dress of a woman returning from market.  About noon, a large party of sailors confronted a group of soldiers at the head of Chapel Street opposite Beekman Street. This was about two blocks west of ‘The Fields’ or the Commons that housed the large Upper Barracks. The sailors seemed to have gotten the better part of the soldiers as one trooper ran for reinforcements who soon joined their comrades. A severe shuffle took place in which several on both sides were clubbed and cut leaving one sailor ‘run through’ with a bayonet. Mayor Hicks and some of the Aldermen happened to be on the Commons at the newly constructed jail, “inquiring into the riots and batteries” of the previous day.  They received word of the renewed violence and raced to Chapel Street to try and restore order. By then, an alarm was raised throughout the town “that the soldiers had rushed out of the Barracks and were slaughtering the inhabitants in the Fields… and with the lesson of the preceding day before them, the inhabitants quickly responded to the summons.”  Additional magistrates showed up, but they and the mayor had no effect to quell the violence. The mayor sent word to the Upper Barracks, requesting British officers’ help, however the messenger was stopped by other soldiers from the barracks. At that point, a large body of townsmen and Sons of Liberty armed with clubs and various blades were seen coming up Broadway. The soldiers quickly gave up the fight and returned to their barracks.

By the time the soldiers returned to their barrack, those coming up Broadway were joined by others until a considerable number of citizens gathered outside the jail. While calmer heads were trying to quell rumors, about twenty soldiers marched up from the lower barracks at Fort George.  They passed among a throng of citizens that gathered along the streets and arrived at the Common. Those on the commons opened a path for the soldiers, however, when the troopers got near the jail and a greater numbers of townsmen standing to the southward of the jail fence, one of the soldiers was reported to have snatched a club from one of the bystanders. “This brought on a new affray which lasted about two minutes, cutting and slashing on both sides when, the soldiers finding themselves roughly handled, made the best of their way to the barracks. Some of the inhabitants pursued them to the gates… In this scuffle, one of the citizens was wounded in the face and had two of his teeth broke by a stroke of a bayonet. A Soldier received a bad cut on the shoulder….”  Before escaping, several soldiers were disarmed and one of the leaders was captured. “There were some other angry demonstrations on the part of the soldiers during the day, but they resulted in nothing but words and unimportant blows; and, with the setting of the sun, the quiet of the city was completely restored.”

Casualties

“The number of those who were injured during these conflicts, soldiers as well as sailors and citizens, is not now known; nor is it clear that any lives were lost, although deaths were reported at the time, and the severity of the wounds inflicted seems to warrant the belief that fatal consequences were reasonably look for, and may, in some instance, have ensured.”[5]

Afterwards and Fate of New York’s Final Liberty Pole

On January 22^nd, General Thomas Gage, Commander of British Forces in America and stationed in New York, stepped in to diffuse the matter.  He ordered his men to keep to their quarters unless accompanied by a noncommissioned officer.  In exchange, the city government, which was a moderate collections of both patriots and loyalists, refused to raise another liberty pole on the Common so close to the soldier’s barracks.  Sears and the Sons of Liberty refused to accept the town’s compromise and countered by purchasing a lot nearby upon which they erected another liberty pole.  On February 6, 1770, in great ceremony, six horses, colorfully decorated and accompanied by several thousand townspeople, hauled a great pine mast from the shipyard through the streets of New York.  When the post was erected, it stood forty-six feet supporting a gilt vane bearing the word “Liberty.” As before, the Sons of Liberty braced the new pole with iron hoops and vertical iron strips and sank it twelve feet below the surface.

March 29, 1770, saw a final attack on the Liberty pole by British regulars.  The sixteenth regiment of foot had been sent to Pensacola, Florida in 1767. While the main regiment remained in Florida, a detachment had been sent to New York City. The companies in New York were scheduled to rejoin their regiment and disembark for Pensacola in early May.  Prior to disembarking, some of the rank and file decided to either exact revenge against the Sons of Liberty, or carry off parts of the liberty pole as a trophy. “The Liberty Boys speedily rallied to its defense, driving its assailants to their barracks. Reinforced, the party [soldiers], fifteen in number, returned with forty of their comrades, and charged the citizens, who retreated to their hall [Sons of Liberty established headquarters on the Commons named Hampden Hall]. The soldiers immediately surrounded the hall and, with infuriated denunciations of vengeance, tried to force the entrance. The alarm-bell was rung, the citizens flew to arms, and, apprehensive of a recurrence of the conflict at Golden Hill, the officers of the garrison hastened to withdraw their forces.”[6]  Under strict orders by their officers, the soldiers did not instigate any further confrontation and the companies of the 16^th withdrew peacefully on May 3^rd.  The Liberty Pole survived until the British forces invaded New York City on September 15^th, 1776. The pole was soon after cut down.

Reasons Why the Boston Massacre Gained Importance Over Golden Hill

• Boston:  Boston’s propaganda machine was in full tilt.  Men practiced at grasping every incident and exploit to their needs was in full swing – depicting the Boston confrontation as a one-sided attack against peaceful colonials whose demonstrative rights were viciously stripped away by British authority.
• They say a picture paints a thousand words and Paul Revere’s depiction, readily / easily printed on news pamphlets and posters was distributed throughout the colonies. The visual presentation was striking and raised a collective outcry from Georgia to New Hampshire, helping to unify the colonies towards rebellion.
• The colonials in Boston threatened violence, but did not attack the soldiers.  Running off as soon as the British volleyed. It was easier to portray the Boston mob a helpless victims.  Whereas on Golden Hill, it was a ferocious clash of arms by both sides as soldiers and officers flashed their bayonets and swords, fighting their way through the angry crowds who stood their ground and fought back.
• New York was not the caldron of patriotic fever as it was in Boston and throughout New England.  The city was considered far more loyal to the crown as was the surrounding region of New Jersey, Long Island, and Westchester County north of the city.
• Whereas Boston had a massive outcry resulting in a much-publicized trial involving British soldiers, the incident in New York was quickly settled by local politicians and businessmen. Reparations were made by both sides and it eventually the occurrence simmered into obscurity.  

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History of New Amsterdam and Fort George in New York City

American Revolution: 155 Year Path to War

Navigation Acts: England’s First Attempt to Keep the Lid on American Independence

American Revolution Forts & Defenses of New York City

Should Washington Have Defended New York City in the Summer of 1776?

The First Shots of the American Revolution That Were Not Heard Round the World

America’s First Great Slum – Built over New York City’s Collect Pond and Fresh Water Source for Two Hundred Years

RESOURCES

Bayles, W. Harrison; Allaben Frank.  Old Taverns of New York. 1915:  Genealogical Company, New York, NY. 

Chopra, Ruma.  Unnatural Rebellion, Loyalists in New York City During the Revolution.  2011: Univ. of Virginia Press, Charlottesville, VA.

Dawson, Henry B.  The Historical and Notes and Queries concerning the Antiquities, History and Biography of America.  Vol. V, Second Series.  January 1869:  By the writer, Morrisania, NY.

De Forest, Emily Johnston.  John Taylor: A Scottish Merchant of Glasgow and New York, 1752-1833. A Family Narrative written for His Descendant.  1917: Privately Printed, New York, NY.

Green, Stuart A.  “Notes and Documents: Repeal of the Stamp Act: The Merchants’ and Manufacturers’ Testimonies.  The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 128, No. 2 (Apr., 2004), pp. 179-197.

Grosart, Alexander B (ed.)  The Complete Works in Prose and Verse of Francis Quarles in Three Volumes. Vol. 2. – “Of Common Devotion”.  1880: Edinburg University Press, Edinburg, UK.

Hinderaker, Eric.  Boston’s Massacre.  2017: Belknop Press of Harvard, Univ. Press, Cambridge, MA.

Ketchum, Richard M.  Divided Loyalties: How the American Revolution Came to New York.  2014:  Henry Holt & Company, New York, NY.

May, Samuel P.  Some Doubts Concerning the Sears Pedigree.  1886: David Clapp & Son, Boston, MA.

Paterson, Martha McKee.  “The Resistance Movement of 1765-1776: The Sons of Liberty’s Quest for Independence and the Formation of the American Identity.”  Graduate Maters Thesis.  October 22, 2010:  Georgetwon University, Washington, DC.

Randall, S. S.  History of the State of New York for the use of Common Schools… 1870:  J. B. Ford and Company, New York, NY.

Schlesinger, Arthur Meier.  “Liberty Tree: A Genealogy”.  The New England Quarterly, Vol. 25, No. 4 (Dec., 1952), pp 435-458.

Schlesinger, Arthur Meier.  “Political Mobs and the American Revolution, 1765 – 1776.  Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 99, No. 4 (Aug. 30, 1955), pp 244-250.

Shecter, Barnet. The Battle for New York: The City at the Heart of the American Revolution.  2002: Walker and Company, New York, NY.

Spufford, Francis. Golden Hill, A Novel of Old New York.  2016: Simon & Schuster Inc., New York, NY.

Ulmann, Albert.  “The Battle of Golden Hill: Fought in John Street in 1770 in Defense of New York’s Liberty Poles…”  1898, September 17.  New York Times – December 24, 2015.

Ulmann, Albert. A Landmark History of New York, Also the Origin of Street Names and a Bibliography.  1901: D. Appleton and Company, New York, NY.

Ulmann, Albert.  “The Battle of Golden Hill. Fought in John Street in 1770 in Defense of New York’s Liberty Poles – The First Blood Shed in the Revolution.” New York Times.  Sept. 17, 1898.  Books and Review Section, pg. 617   Digital New York Times Archives.

Roberts, William I.  “American Potash Manufacture Before the American Revolution”. 

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. Vol. 116. No. 5 (Oct. 13, 1972). Pp 383-395.

INTERNET  

American in Class.   The Blood of our Fellow Citizens running like Water” The Citizen-Soldier Confrontations of Early 1770. http://americainclass.org/sources/makingrevolution/crisis/text5/goldenhillseidermassacre.pdf

Morris, Judith.  “Revolutionary and Colonial Sites to visit in New York.  2014-2015

Exploring Pre-Revolutionary War New York, The Ratzer Map.  Brooklyn Historical Society.   www.brooklyhistory.org

Touba, Mariam “The Battle of Golden Hill: New York’s Opening Act of Revolutionary Bloodshed” New York Historical Society Museum & Library ‘From the Stacks’ Jan. 16 2020.

 FOOTNOTES

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[1] Montagne, Montayne or Montanye?    New York Gazetter, in 1770, lists the tavern name as Montayne which has been accepted in many texts and internet articles.   Several other texts and internet articles adopted the spelling as Montanye.  I believe the correct spelling is Montagne, for there is a 1769 Sons of Liberty Broadside that advertises the organization, declaring the reason for its existence as well as rules and the general meeting place; the first Monday of every month at the house of De La Montagne.

[2] Dunlop Vol I, pp 55 – 56.

[3] Ibid, pg. Vol. I pg. 434

[4] This is listed in the 1766 New York Gazette Newspaper that described the events surrounding Golden Hill.  The quote the soldiers used comes from Francis Quarles (1592-1644) Quarles actually wrote:  Our God and Soldiers we alike adore, Ev’n at the Brink of danger; not before; After deliverance, both alike required; Our God’s forgotten, and our Soldiers slighted.

President John F. Kennedy quoted this in remarks to members of the First Armored Division, Fort Stewart, Georgia, November 26, 1962: “Many years ago, according to the story, there was found in a sentry box in Gibraltar a poem which said:
        God and the soldier, all men adore
        In time of danger and not before
        When the danger is passed and all things righted,
        God is forgotten and the soldier slighted.
This country does not forget God or the soldier. Upon both we now depend. Thank you.”—Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy, 1962, p. 840. The First Armored Division had been deployed during the Cuban crisis.

[5] Historical Magazine, pg. 19.

[6] Ibid.