Introduction
This, the third of four articles on Captain Alexander Hamilton and his train of artillery while in New York and leading up to the Battle of White Plains asks two questions.
- How well did Captain Hamilton’s company of artillery perform in battles or skirmishes prior to the Battle of White Plains?
- How well did the American artillery perform during the Battle of White Plains and what impact, if any, did American artillery have in defending Chatterton hill?
The fourth article will examine a bridge supposedly constructed during the battle in which many historians accepted as fact and played a key role in the myth of Hamilton and the Battle of White Plains. It will also trace the roots of the myth and how it was propagated and fooled many excellent historians over the decades.
How well did Captain Hamilton’s company of artillery perform in battles or skirmishes prior to at the Battle of White Plains?
Short Answer
- Due to inexperience and/or drunkenness, one of Hamilton’s cannon blew up killing two artillerymen and ripping the arm off another.
- Contrary to many historical texts and internet sites, Hamilton’s artillery was not at the Battle of Long Island.
- Contrary to some historical texts and internet sites, Hamilton did not lead a raid against the Sandy Hook Light House.
- Hamilton was stationed at Fort Bayard in NYC during the Battle of Long Island. His cannon fired upon approaching Hessian and British soldiers. His artillery later fired upon British forces – protecting General Putnam’s column’s right flank.
- Hamilton did not participate in the Battle of Harlem Heights.
- Only one of Hamilton’s cannon fired upon British dragoons at the very start of the Battle of White Plains on the American left. The cannon was commanded by 2nd Lt. Fenno, not Hamilton. Strong evidence indicates the other cannon in Hamilton’s train was also on the American left which did not see action that day. As to cannon on the American right on Chatterton Hill – they performed dismally, one having to be removed by infantry after the artillerymen ran from the field in fear.
Several myths surrounded Hamilton’s military actions during the early stages of the war in and around New York City. As a student, he was involved in a night raid to remove cannon from Fort George. However, as a soldier, his participation in a daring attack on Sandy Hook, the Battle of Long Island, the Battle of Harlem Heights, begging Washington that he, along with Maj. Ebenezer Stevens, retake Fort Washington, and, the subject of these articles, the Battle of White Plains, have all proven to be fabricated through statements and misleading citations in historical texts.
It is documented that prior to the Battle of White Plains, December 25, 1776, Hamilton fired his cannon in reply to the enemy on two occasions. Once while in New York City – upon ships plying up Hudson’s River in which his men were inexperienced or so intoxicated that they mishandled their cannon, killing two and blowing the arm off a third. The second instance was during the evacuation of New York City, where his two or three field pieces[1] shelled British forces to protect General Putnam’s column trying to escape the city.
Hamilton was an adopted New York City native. Friend and fellow patriot Nicholas Fish recorded, “immediately after the Battle of Lexington, he attached himself to one of the uniformed militia companies,”[2] joining Captain Edward Fleming’s first New York Militia which military rolls identified as the Corsicans[3] [not Hearts of Oak as is mistakenly stated in many historical accounts].
Alexander Hamilton first came under fire while still a student at King’s College. Hercules Mulligan[4], close friend, had professed to Hamilton’s courage when dragging cannon from Fort George to the Commons, on the evening of August 23, 1775, while under the guns of the British frigate Asia. [5] He and several other Kings College students volunteered to aid Captain John Lamb’s Continental Artillery company, ordered by the New York Provincial Congress, to remove two dozen cannon from Fort George at the tip of Manhattan to the Commons, further north along Broadway. The men dragged the heavy cannon still in their garrison carriages,[6] while shelled by the 64 gun warship.
Several internet sites state that Hamilton led the above raid by Sons of Liberty and Captain Lamb’s Artillery Company. Further claims state that Hamilton’s interest in cannon stemmed from this episode and that the men under his command formed into an artillery company. The raid was commanded by Captain Lamb. Hamilton and fellow students aided the raid and did not form an artillery company in the aftermath. This event may have increased Hamilton’s interest in artillery. Hamilton applied himself to lead a newly formed NY state artillery company in February 1776 and in March was awarded a captain’s commission.[7]
The next reported action by Hamilton proved to be a myth. On June 24, 1776, recorded at the time by the Royal Danish American Gazette, the New York Gazette, and the Weekly Mercury, Hamilton supposedly led one hundred men in a night time attack on the Sandy Hook Lighthouse. “Two hours with field pieces and small arms could make no impression on the walls.” Accordingly, the attack failed because the Americans lacked munitions and the enemy was tipped off. Historians Ron Chernow and James Flexner, including several internet sites, confirmed that Hamilton commanded this raid. No primary source, not even son John Hamilton, collaborated that Hamilton led nor even participated in this action. Historical records accurately place Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Tupper in command, not Hamilton.[8] Tupper also led a similar raid the previous year against a light house in Boston.
The first of two principal actions Captain Hamilton’s train of artillery participated in while in New York City was on the afternoon of July 12, 1776. It proved to be a disaster when two of his men were killed and one lost an arm by exploding cannon. He was one of the captains assigned to the Grand Battery at the tip of Manhattan, just below the walls of Fort George. His men shelled five British ships attempting to ply north up Hudson’s River (also known as the North River). They did little if any damage to the ships. The British opened up killing one cow, the only casualty by the enemy. However, due to inexperience and several men were reported drunk at the time, a total of six Americans died with many grave injuries when their cannons exploded. Lieutenant Isaac Bangs[9], as published in his journal, best described the events that autumn afternoon, three days before the British invasion and American evacuation of New York City:
“Went on fatigue at the Grand Battery. Several deserters from the enemy informed that it was the intention of the enemy to have sent five ships up the North River to stop the Water Communication between Albany and New York…In the afternoon…we soon discovered 2 ships and 3 tenders making for the town [NYC], whereupon we repaired as soon as possible each one to their several alarm posts; but before I got from the city, our batteries began to play upon them…Before any of our regiment (as they were but a small distance before me arrived to our alarm post, the ships had past it, in their way, many balls passed very near them, & one killed a cow…This was the only life which was taken away by their cannon, but by the carelessness of our own artillerymen, six men were killed with our own cannon, & several others very badly wounded. It is said that several of the company out of which they were killed were drunk, & neglected to sponge, worm, & stop the vent, and the cartridges took fire while they were ramming them down…”[10]
Hercules Mulligan stated that the two ships Hamilton fired upon were the Phoenix and Rose. He also confirms that two of Hamilton’s men died by a cannon burst and were buried at Bowling Green.[11] Lt. Bangs is specific that by the carelessness and drunkenness of the artillerymen, the cannon exploded with casualties. Therefore, according to this primary source, one can assume that since two of Hamilton’s men were among the six who died, either Hamilton’s men were careless or were inebriated during the action. Two days after the incident, Hamilton recorded his wounded artilleryman: “I do hereby certify that William Douglass, the bearer hereof, faithfully served as matrosse[12] in my company till he lost his arm by an unfortunate accident, while engaged in firing at some of the enemy’s ships. A. Hamilton, Cpt. Of Artillery.”[13]
There is no report to confirm that Hamilton was reprimanded for his men’s poor performance in this action. Colonel Henry Knox, who commanded the division of artillery stationed in the city, penned a thought no doubt shared by other officers. He mentions this episode in a letter to his wife Lucy on July 13th. He hints that experience and zeal contributed to their casualties: “I thank heaven you were not here yesterday. Two ships and three tenders of the enemy, about twenty minutes past three weighted anchor, and in twenty minutes were before the town…I was so unfortunate as to lose six men by accidents and a number of wounded. This affair will be of service to my people, it will teach them to moderate their fiery courage.”[14] It can be strongly assumed that all artillery officers were experiencing the results of their men’s inexperience in firing cannon. Powder and shot was severely limited therefore little opportunity to practice firing the guns. Also, many of the artillery crews were green, most having been farmers or retailers weeks if not days before they were thrust into action. While in New York City, many infantrymen, mainly militia, who did not have a musket were transferred into Colonel Knox’s division of artillery. These were mainly poor farmers who could not afford a weapon. They basically received on the job training with tragic results.
Another myth, this one most likely propagated by A. Hamilton’s son, John Church Hamilton, places Captain Hamilton in Brooklyn during the Battle of Long Island. This is clearly false, substantiated by recorded archives. Hamilton was in General Scott’s Brigade[15] who was positioned in the city during the Battle of Long Island.[16] The artillery from Heard’s and Nixon’s Brigades were present during the battle.[17] This was further confirmed by Henry Knox’s correspondence that detailed the positioning of all artillery during the battle.[18] On Aug 27, Captain Hamilton was stationed at Fort Bayard in the city and remained there while the battle raged.[19] John Hamilton quotes his father to give evidence for his assertion his father participated on Long Island: “I was among the last of our army that left the city, the enemy was then on our right flank between us and the main body.”[20] This quote was taken from Capt. Hamilton’s testimony at Benedict Arnold’s court-martial. However, the action A. Hamilton is referring to was during the evacuation of New York City on September 15, 1776, over two weeks after the Battle of Long Island.
The internet had bought into John Hamilton’s inaccurate account fully. This author searched the internet typing Hamilton, Battle of Long Island: of the top ten sites, all but one credited Hamilton’s participation at the Battle (including PBS). Several historical texts also repeated John Hamilton’s misleading information. One of the more ridiculous accounts was by Edward Ellis in which he had Hamilton singlehandedly protecting the retreating army to be latter apprised by Washington himself – except that Washington was not aware of Hamilton until some months later.[21]
Hamilton’s artillery saw action during General Putnam’s Division’s hasty retreat from New York City on September 15, 1776. British General William Howe invaded mid-island that morning and threatened to trap three thousand American troops including supplies and cannon in the city. Hamilton remained at Fort Bayard until the last of the division’s column left and joined the rear guard. His cannon (2 or 3 – his third cannon broke down prior to or after this action) joined three hundred troops under Colonel Silliman. He unlimbered and fired upon the approaching British just as the last of General Putnam’s column passed safely onto Harlem Heights. In Hamilton’s words: “…as our troops were evacuating New York, I was among the left of our army that left the city: the enemy was then on our right flank, between us and the main body of our army.”[22]
There is no record of Hamilton’s artillery participating in the Battle of Harlem Heights that occurred on Sept. 16, 1776. It is has been recorded that Hamilton first met Washington while stationed at Harlem Heights between Sept. 16th (after the Battle of Harlem Heights) and mid-October when a large portion of American Forces marched north to counter General Howe’s landing in Westchester County. John Hamilton wrote “On the inspection of an earthwork he was throwing up, the commander-in-chief entered into conversation with him, inviting him to his tent, and received an impression of his military talent.”[23] Historian Broadus Mitchell, in his text on the early years of Hamilton, credits Egbert Benson, lawyer and founding father representing New York in Congress, with the story that Washington first met Hamilton at Harlem Heights. According to Benson’s claim, Washington was struck by the diligence of Hamilton’s men throwing up the breastwork for their cannon, that Washington invited Hamilton to his tent. There are no primary sources from any soldiers or military personnel present on Harlem Heights to confirm this. It is highly unlikely that Washington, confronting by an enemy positioned before him, was most likely too occupied to have a sit down meeting with a captain of state artillery. However, there is no proof that it did not occur.
The next action that Hamilton’s train of now two field artillery pieces would occur at the Battle of White Plains. As discussed in article 2 of this series, only one of Hamilton’s cannon would fire upon the enemy; it was commanded by 2nd Lt. Ephraim Fenno, stationed on the American left. He fired upon 20 dragoons who drew near the American line, killing one. There is no evidence that his cannon fired again. It is strongly unlikely they did as the British column before the American left, commanded by Gen. Clinton, halted and “sat on their arms,” while the other column, commanded by Hessian Gen. Heister, attacked the American right where the battle raged. There is no record of Hamilton’s other cannon’s activity during the battle. Hamilton’s artillery was attached to General Scott’s Brigade on the American left. Hamilton was not in General McDougal’s Brigade, as falsely stated, who fought on Chatterton Hill on the American right. Therefore it is strongly to assume his other cannon saw no action that day.
How well did the American artillery perform during the Battle of White Plains and what impact, if any, did American artillery have in defending Chatterton Hill?
According to most primary accounts, the American artillery on the right and Chatteron Hill, where the British assault took place, performed terribly.
During this encounter with the British and Hessian forces, having little if any effect. A myth that stated otherwise grew to elaborate proportions, championed by Capt. Hamilton’s son, John Church. Many other historians fell in line, repeating and exaggerating the importance of the artillery during the battle. The US government eventually issued a stamp that recognized the battle, displaying a field cannon crew in action and since, the internet remains wrought with the American artillery’s heroic stance against the British and Hessian forces.
Only two primary sources gave mention to American artillery: one stating that they “did damage (including musketry in the statement) and another that mentioned the use of one cannon on the American left – far from the main battle on the right and Chatterton Hill.”
Colonel Tench Tilghman described the battle in a letter published in his memoirs that was written to his father James while encamped at White Plains. It was dated October 31, 1776, three days after the battle. In it he said that on the morning of the battle, all were at their alarm posts and about 2,000 men were “detached to give the enemy as much annoyance as possible on their approach.” He stated that there were a few regiments on a hill on their right who “had not had time to throw up works…”[24] He wrote that at noon, “the enemy appeared full in our front in vast numbers…” He described the enemy…filed off towards the hill [Chatterton]” and soon began “a most furious cannonade [British & Hessian artillery] followed by a heavy column of infantry.” He praised the troops on the hill. “…our troops made as good a stand as could be expected and did not quit the ground, till they [enemy] came to push their bayonets.” He noted that because the attackers were in close order they could not miss, “…their body was large [British & Hessians], the shot from our field pieces and muskets, could scarcely miss doing damage…”[25]
He gave no further detail as to which battery and who manned the guns. He fell short of complementing the artillery, saying instead that they could not help but “do damage” because the attacking forces were literally shoulder to shoulder. Interesting that later in the same letter, Tilghman said that once the British took the hill, they were “content with the possession of the hill, they sat down about 600 yards from us and have never fired a gun since.”[26] Other primary sources stated that the British continued a bombardment through a good deal of the night, leaving the American troops to expect the action would resume the next morning.
Those who fought the bulk of the battle on Chatterton Hill either made no mention of American cannon or condemned their use. The accounts of the number of American cannon present on the hill ranged from one to three with the majority settling upon two. The most damning primary source was recorded by Colonel Haslet of the Delaware regiment. His regiment of Continental regular troops was the first to support the two company of militiamen sent to Chatterton Hill to erect a defensive barrier. His men were in the thick of the fight and were the last to leave the field. He wrote a letter on Nov. 12th, 1776, to Caesar Rodney, Congressman from Delaware, in which he described the action on Chatterton Hill: “…On my seeing the enemy’s march to the creek begin in a column of their main body, and urging the necessity of bringing our field-pieces immediately forward to bear upon them, the general ordered one, and that so poorly appointed, that myself was forced to assist in dragging it along the rear of the regiment. While so employed, a cannon ball struck the carriage, and scattered the shot about, a wad of tow blazing in the middle. The artillerymen fled. One alone was prevailed upon to tread out the blaze and collect the shot. The few that returned made not more than two discharges, when they retreated with the field-piece.”[29]
Artillery on the left and not the right and Chatterton Hill where the British Assault took place
General Heath, commanding the far left of the American line, wrote in his diary of the action he observed. The British attacked in two columns. The battle was effected by the British and Hessian left column against the American right and Chatterton Hill, the British right did not pursue an attack against the American left. General Heath mentioned the American returned artillery fire as the British and Hessians opened up with their cannon writing: “The British advanced in two columns. At this instant, the cannon made was brisk on both sides; directed by the British across the hollow and Bronx, against the Americans on the hill, and by them returned.”[27]
He then writes as to the artillery within his division and General Scott’s Brigade, particularly Colonel Malcolm’s regiment and one of the two cannon in Captain Hamilton’s train of artillery commanded by 2nd Lt. Fenno: “…the right column, composed of British troops, preceded by about 20 light-horse leaped the fence of a wheat-field, at the foot of the hill, on which Col. Malcolm’s regiment was posted; of which the light-horse were not aware, until a shot from Lieut. Fenno’s field-piece gave them notice, by striking in the midst of them, and a horseman pitching from his horse. They then wheeled short about, galloped out of the field as fast as they came…The column came no further up the road, but wheeled to the left by platoons, as they came up…The whole now halted, and for a few minutes, the men all sat down in the same order in which they stood, no one appearing to move out of place…”[28] The right column under the command of General Clinton remained out of action far beyond the few minutes General Heath wrote. After this one brief action by Lt. Fenno’s cannon, the left line of the American defense remained silent.
This is a far cry from what Ron Chernow quoted in his text on Alexander Hamilton as referenced in John Church Hamilton’s (Alexander Hamilton’s son) biography on his father. Chernow wrote that “John Hamilton says his father planted his two fieldpieces upon a rocky ledge at Chatterton’s Hill and sprayed Hessian and British columns with fire as they struggled to wade across the river… ‘Again and again Hamilton’s pieces flashed,’ he wrote, sending ‘the ascending columns down to the river’s edge.’ Soon the British regrouped, forcing Hamilton and his comrades to abandon the hill and finally the entire area.”
Examining Primary and Secondary Accounts that Followed John Church Hamilton’s Lead to Describe Captain Alexander Hamilton’s Heroic Exploits Prior to and During the Battle of White Plains
How historical accounts of American artillery went from condemnation, no reference, or barely mentioning, to heroic proportions will be examined. It should be noted that the secondary accounts that praised the American artillery at the battle appeared after Alexander Hamilton’s son, John Hamilton’s 1878 rich elaboration of his father’s heroic actions manning the cannon during the assault on Chatterton Hill.
Secondary sources that describe the poor performance of artillery
Note: Primary account by Colonel Haslet of the Delaware Blues who was one of the American commanders on Chatterton Hill was the most damning that detailed the artillery’s dismal performance. Nine second hand accounts are listed here that briefly concur.
George Bancroft’s 1866 text: “First a heavy but ineffective cannonade by the British across the Bronx was feebly returned by the three field pieces on the American Hill [Chatterton].”[30] Bancroft lists three cannon when a comprehensive study of primary and secondary accounts mostly agree on two cannon present.
Henry Dawson’s 1866 history on Westchester County. He wrote that when Colonel Haslet requested cannon support, Colonel McDougal spared only one of the two guns. He stated that “it was so poorly handled that the Colonel [Haslet] was obliged, personally, to assist in dragging it along the rest of his regiment, to the place where he desired to post it.”[31] He listed Haslet’s description of events that transpired.
Sir George Trevelyan wrote in 1922 that the assaulting British & Hessians were supported by a powerful artillery to which they [Americans] had very inadequate means of replying. He referred to Colonel Haslet’s report in which one gun was ordered forward to hazard the attacking forces. He stated that the gun was so poorly handled, that after two shots, it was drawn off.[32]
Nathan Schachner’s Alexander Hamilton credits the falsehood of claiming the artillery performed heroicly on Chatterton Hill to “hastily scribbled reminiscences by two of his [A. Hamilton] friends [Mulligan & Troupe] which became through their mediation of John C. Hamilton [A. Hamilton’s son], the fundamental basis for all future accounts of Hamilton’s early years.”[33]
In Christopher Ward’s excellent 1952 historical text on the Revolutionary War, he wrote that Colonel Haslet was the last to leave the field and brought of the lone remaining cannon.[34]
Broadus Mitchell, in 1957, penned that “the guns were so poorly handled…” continuing to recount Colonel Haslet’s description.
Roger Champagne’s 1975 text inferred to the artillerymen’s lack of experience: “Hamilton’s [accepting unsubstantiated research of Hamilton’s presence] artillery replied, but little could be expected from inexperienced men and two cannon, one of which quickly became disabled.”[35]
Page Smith’s 1976 description of the battle confirms that one cannon was mishandled, but without documentation to support, claims that Hamilton effectively used his other two cannon. This ignores that research supports that Hamilton only had two cannon in his train and one of the two was in action on the far end of the American line, far from Chatterton Hill.[36]
In Barnet Schecter’s 2002 history on the battles for New York, he acknowledges the poor use of one cannon, but in the smoke and confusion of battle, perhaps the other cannon may have done its fair share of the fight.[37]
Primary Sources With no Mention of American Artillery
Besides the three primary sources who either condemned the Am. artillery or made brief mention, all other recorded first-hand accounts of those who were present. This included letters, diaries, biographies, and Gen. Washington’s official report, making no mention of American Artillery during the battle:[38]
Jacob Hutchins observed the action on Chatterton Hill from the center of the American line. Nothing about artillery. Colonel Rufus Putnam, who commanded the original two militia regiments on Chatterton Hill, made no reference. Colonel Silliman who commanded a regiment who met the enemy on the plains before the American line did not credit artillery. Colonel Douglas, who also fought alongside Colonel Silliman, was silent as to American artillery. Samuel Parsons, in Brooks militia regiment who fought on Chatterton Hill and Major Tallmadge, who was with Spencer’s Brigade who met the British and Hessian forces in advance of the American Line did not mention artillery. William Hull, Webb’s regiment, who was on Chatterton Hill and in the thick of the fight failed to mention American artillery. Colonel Joseph Reed aide to Washington. Lt. Harrison, aide to Washington, described the battle and made no reference to American artillery. Plumb Martin, private in Colonel Douglas’ Regiment. Lt. Bostwick of Webb’s regiment. Robert Beatson, in his Naval & Military Memoirs of Great Britain, from 1727-1783 in Six Volumes, interviewed several British officers who participated in the battle and none remarked on the American artillery’s effectiveness.[39] Charles Stedman, British General Howe’s commissary officer and loyalist, made a brief mention to American artillery, stating it was positioned too far to have any effect.[40]
Secondary Accounts with no Mention of American Artillery
Historical texts and publications about the Battle of White Plains who do not make a reference to American Artillery. Here is a comprehensive list in chronological order:[41] Gordon – 1801, Beatson 1801, Allen – 1822, Botta – 1820, Dunlop – 1840, Schmucker – 1856, Bancroft – 1866, Jones – 1879, Lowell – 1884, Fisher – 1902, Hall – 1905, Conant – 1910, McLane – 1910, Ford – 1920, Ward, 1941, Miller – 1959, Middlekauf – 2005, McCullough – 2005, Ferling – 2011.
Secondary Accounts with a Brief Reference to American artillery
Force American Archives – 1776 anonymous letter from soldier mentions artillery on Am. left and not the right and Chatterton Hill, Reed – 1847 states that the artillery was drawn off in good order, Shea – 1888 states artillery was on Chatterton Hill, Ford – 1920 wrote Hamilton manned guns on Chatterton Hill, Lancaster – 1943 stated that two field pieces were drawn off Chatterton Hill and questioned why the hill was so lightly held.[42]
Secondary Accounts, many fantastical myths, that praised American artillery on Chatterton Hill
Because the commander of artillery on Chatterton Hill was never recorded, one cannot discuss artillery without Captain Hamilton’s name popping up. In the first publication of his father in 1834, there was but one text crediting American Artillery’s use during the Battle of White Plains: “[at the] Battle of White Plains, where his [A. Hamilton] conduct was remarked.” That simple sentence was all Hamilton’s son wrote on his father and American artillery at the Battle of White Plains. So began a journey of misrepresentation and falsehoods that grew and grew, laying laurels on Hamilton and American artillery until most recent historical texts and internet articles. Artillery proven by first-hand accounts to have been dismal. Texts after the 1834 A. Hamilton biography by his son began to state that A. Hamilton’s actions were distinguished. It wasn’t until the 1864 biography of A. Hamilton by his son and later 1879 edition, when the myth exploded among historical publications over the next hundred and fifty years.
Thomas Rogers 1824 text was the very first to indicate Hamilton and American artillery played a positive role in the battle simply writing that Hamilton distinguished himself.[43] Benson Lossing’s 1858 colorful early history of the war elaborated on John Hamilton’s description writing: “Hamilton had placed his two guns in battery, on a rocky ledge, and these swept whole platoons from the margin of the hill they were attempting to ascend. The British recoiled, fell back to their artillery, and joined another division under Gen. Leslie…”[44] Research proved this was totally fabricated. Henry Johnson’s 1866 treatise on the battles around New York noted Hamilton’s actions as reported by Hamilton’s son’s biography two years earlier, crediting the American artillery’s use on Chatterton Hill.[45] It was after the 1864 version of A. Hamilton’s son’s biography on his father that other historians took note and began to elaborate. Charles Coffin wrote in 1876 “Captain Hamilton opened with his two guns. He had the exact range, and sent his shot right down into the Hessian ranks. The fire was so destructive that the Hessians fled in confusion. But General Leslie, with a brigade of Hessians under Colonel Rall, crossed where they were sheltered from Captain Hamilton’s guns.”[46] This version referred to the Hessians building a bridge which never existed. Also Leslie and Rall did not cross the Bronx together nor in the same area – Rall flanking the Americans on their right while Leslie’s troops made a frontal assault.
It wasn’t until John Hamilton’s final 1879 version of his father’s biography was published that the most fantastical accounts of American artillery were written. John Hamilton wrote: “The Hessians refused to wade the tangled stream and a temporary bridge was begun. McDougall [Brigadier General commanding the forces on Chatterton’s Hill] saw the hesitation, and instantly Ritzeina and Smallwood were ordered onward, and Hamilton to open his artillery upon them as they crossed. He forthwith descended the hill, planting his two field-pieces upon a ledge of rock bearing upon the bridge, and screened from the British guns by a covert of threes. Thence he poured his fire upon the bridge. The effect was instantaneous. The bridge was repeatedly struck. Several of the workmen killed, fell headlong into the rapid stream. The Hessians were in great disorder. Fearing the check, Leslie [British commander] appealed to the loyalty of the British regiments to follow their commander. Leading them a short distance below, they crossed the little river by a ford, and resolved to capture Hamilton’s guns, rushed up the hill with bayonets fixed. Again and again Hamilton’s pieces flashed, driving the ascending columns down to the river’s edge…”[47] The bridge John Hamilton wrote of was pure fantasy. Research indicates only one cannon was brought forward and it was dismally handled, the artillery crew running off even before the cannon fired once. Most first-hand accounts on both sides of the conflict state that the British and Hessians came on in one movement, halting only to allow their cannon to stop firing before the final assault was made. But what John Hamilton wrote was enough to open the floodgates of misinformation.
Henry Carrington wrote in 1877: “Cpt. Hamilton served two light guns at the center, and as the British brigade crossed the Bronx and ascended the hill, he delivered effective fire; and Smallwood’s regiment supported by Ritzema’s made two successful charges down the hill checking the advance.”[48] This did not occur. Smallwood and Ritzema’s men did not charge upon the enemy halting their assault. The Americans manned their defense and after 15 minutes of firing upon the assaulting enemy, retreated the field in mass. Carrington went on to question Haslet’s account stating “Much is assumed by this officer [Colonel Haslet] which is not supported by other authority.” Carrington does not give the other authority. He ends with “Captain Hamilton also brought off his guns in safety.”
James Graybill’s 1897 rendition of the battle wades into the fantastical. He wrote: “Hamilton’s artillery was in the thick of the battle…Enabled Hamilton, on Chatterton Hill, to display his ability and courage in resisting charge after charge of the enemy, who were intent upon its [his artillery battery] capture in order to turn the right wing of Washington’s Army.”[49] It seems that according to this historian, General Washington had Hamilton’s two small field cannon to thank for its survival to fight another day. The next year, Ellis[50], gives one of the most colorful and elaborate description of Hamilton’s artillery’s courageous feats in battles he and his train of artillery never took part in. See footnotes to reference her incredible imagination. Also in 1898, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge wrote of Hamilton’s artillery: “…distinguished himself by the admirable manner in which he served his battery at White Plains…reckless daring…”[51]Henry Renwick wrote in 1899: “…distinguished himself [Hamilton] at the Battle of White Plains.”
The exaggeration of Hamilton and his artillery’s significance to the Battle of White Plains only intensified. John Schuyler’s 1902 version stated that the Americans were “greatly supported by the artillery under the command of Captain A. Hamilton and the crowning honors of the day were won by the artillery.”[52] Never mind that one of the two pieces had to be manned by Delaware infantrymen (its crew ran away after a shot struck their carriage) who dragged the cannon off the field of battle. The year later Gertrude Atherton, in 1903, gave A. Hamilton and his men superhero status in her description: “Hamilton placed his two guns in battery on a rocky ledge about halfway down the hill…Hamilton waited a half-hour, then poured out his fire… The bridge was struck, the workmen killed, the Hessians thrown back in a panic…the British…rushed up the hill with bayonets fixed, resolved to capture the guns. The guns flashed…British and watching Americans were amazed…round shot was exhausted. Loading cannon with musket balls…he stood the cannon on edge, filled his three cornered hat with the balls and loaded…rapidly…His guns mowed down the British in such numbers that Leslie[British commander] fell back to join the Hessians.”[53] Where to begin…No…No…and No. No one waited thirty minutes to fire when the whole battle on Chatterton Hill lasted 15 minutes total, no one was killed on a bridge that did not exist, no, a cannon is not stood on edge to load, and no, did anyone ever try to fill a tricorn hat with lead musket balls? I think not.
Eighteen years later, 1921, Arthur Vandenberg accepted Atherton’s imagery as fact writing: “At White Plains, Hamilton’s little battery bore the brunt of Howe’s attack on Chatterton’s Hill and held back the Hessians for deadly hours. If resourcefulness in face of peril marks the martial master, who shall deny credentials to this slender youth, standing his smoking cannon on end and filling them with musket balls when his round shot were exhausted?”[54] Again, the action on Chatterton Hill lasted 15 minutes, not hours. And accepting the pretense of a ‘slender youth’ standing a hunk of iron weighing tons on edge to pour lead shot out of a tricorn hat down its muzzle… no need to elaborate beyond that. Helen Nicolay wrote a series of books on historical figures. In 1940, she displayed more commons sense when she penned one on Alexander Hamilton. She wrote: “…being engaged in strengthening the lines in anticipation of another attack [White Plains] Hamilton’s battery experienced the usual fate of his countrymen in this engagement: inflicting more damage than it sustained. It was obliged in the end to fall back.”
However Nathan Schachner, in 1946, broke the mold for absurdity without documentation to spin his myth. “It was obvious that when the assault came, Chatterton Hill would be the prime target. Hamilton’s artillery was therefore ordered to take up a position on its flanks so as to command the approaches over the stream [Bronx River]. The Hessians…commenced the attack. They moved slowly…while a company of engineers flung a wooden bridge over the stream. [No, there was never a bridge] A rise of ground sheltered them from Hamilton’s guns. The young captain swiftly trundled his two field pieces from his prepared position to a rock ledge that overlooked the…bridge. [Only one cannon was brought forward and it was done by Delaware infantrymen as the artillery crew ran off when a shot hit their carriage]. The sweating men swung them around and depressed the muzzles just as the Hessians…plunged up the slope. The guns blazed. The cannoneers reloaded and fired again. Several of the workmen…were killed outright. Gaps appeared in the Hessian ranks. They wavered and fell back in disorder across the bridge. [The attacking Hessians halted in the assault to wait for their own guns to stop shelling before continuing the attack]. British regulars, under Leslie…came sweeping up the hill on the farther slope in an effort to silence and spike his guns. Hamilton promptly swung his pieces around to meet the new attack, while Smallwood’s infantry, higher up on the hill, poured down a galling fire…[No, that did not happen]. The combined hail of musketry and cannon shot was too much…Leslie’s men…were compelled to give ground.[No, that did not happen]. Leslie ralliedhis men…this second wave proved too much for Smallwood’s militia [Smallwood’s Marylanders were not militia, but the finest regular troops in Washington’s entire army]. They broke and fled [No did not happen. Militia was flanked by Hessians and ultimately broke first. Smallwood, along with Haslet’s Delaware regulars stood firm and slowly withdrew – the last to leave the field]. Hamilton’s battery was now without support and in grave danger of capture. [No, the American field pieces only fired twice and withdrew before the British and Hessians assaulted the hill]. McDougall sent him a message to withdraw at once. With the utmost difficulty, he managed to save his pieces just as the triumphant enemy swarmed over and around.”[55] This is why one must spend hours exploring primary sources and not rely on history pulled from a rabbit’s hat.
The next fifty years was still wrought with examples of poor historical research. However Major J. B.Trussell’s 1950’s description of American artillery ‘takes the cake’ for inventiveness. “From his position, Hamilton watched the enemy approach…they began to build a rough bridge…[No, there was never a bridge] The young captain barked rapid orders and his men manhandled their two cannon forward until they could be depressed to bear upon the bridge…just as…the gun-pointers sighted along the line of metal, the first of the Hessian infantry started across the bridge at the double. Hamilton’s initial rounds killed several of the engineers and drove the infantry back across the bridge…an English regiment appeared on the scene…its colonel immediately ordered a charge up the slope to take the battery by storm. The gunners ripped great gaps in the scarlet line as soon as it came in range. American infantry higher up the slope behind them added to the effect on the artillery with small arms fire. [According to this account, American artillery took on the entire assault by themselves, with some support from 1,600 armed American infantry who were positioned back from the action]. This hail of lead was too much even for disciplined soldiers and the English troops, their ranks broken, were driven back in disorder. [No, never happened]…they charged again. Hamilton’s gunners loaded their cannon, standing ready to put match to touch-hole and hurl the enemy back again, but the sight of the dense mass of redcoats behind a shimmering hedge of fixed bayonets was too much for the American infantry [but not for American artillery it seems] which ignominiously turned tail, leaving the brave little battery unsupported but undaunted. Only the arrival of orders to get out at once caused Hamilton to save his guns. Thus Chatterton’s Hill, although furiously defended by Hamilton’s battery, was lost. With it was lost the battle.”[56] The British have a word for this kind of research of a historical account that is perfect – shite!
Before leaving the 1950’s, Richard Morris wrote in 1957, “At White Plains, Hamilton’s battery guarded Chatterton Hill, protecting the withdrawal of Smallwood’s militia.”[57] More tame, but incorrect on Hamilton’s battery guarding the withdrawal of troops, the artillery having been the first to flee the battle. Also, Smallwood’s men were not militia, but the best of the best of Washington Continental troops.
As we near the turn of century, there are fewer and fewer historical texts that bought into the fantastical role of American artillery on Chatterton Hill. In 1978, James Flexner penned a biography on the young Hamilton. In it, when referring to the Battle of White Plains, he quotes John Hamilton’s 1879 text near verbatim with some of his own touches. “…This situation inspired Hamilton’s son to cast his father as an intrepid warrior…the Hessians ordered to the attack ‘loudly refused’ to ford the river, which was alive with driftwood. British engineers began a temporary bridge…[he continues to quote John Hamilton in reference to shelling the bridge]…the Hessians were in great disorder…In this crisis of German cowardice, the British General Alexander Leslie, called on British regiments. Again and again Hamilton’s pieces flashed, driving…[more J. Hamilton’s influence]…But by now the bridge was completed. Hessians swarmed and Hamilton had to retreat.”[58] Flexner only cited John Hamilton as a resource for his account of the battle.
Robert Leckie’s 1993 text entitled “George Washington’s War…” lacks a certain element found in historical texts, careful research. His account of the battle, particularly American artillery, takes the reader back to the earlier part of the century when some historians reported history from their imagination. “…the oboes blew and the British and their hymn-singing Hessian allies swept up Chatteron…it seemed they would quickly overrun the Yankees, until cannonballs from two light artillery pieces directed by A. Hamilton fell among them [No, never happened]. Here Leckie takes a primary source and totally misconstrues what was once meticulously written and clearly explained. He has Private Joseph Plumb Martin of Douglas’ regiment, who fought the Hessians before the American line, on Chatterton Hill. Martin clearly stated in his diary that after his regiment retreated, they saw no more action that day. As to a bridge constructed by Hessian troops across the Bronx in the heat of battle, and reported by many other historians, it never existed. Leckie stated that Joseph Martin witnessed the shelling of the bridge, even though, again clearly stated in Martin’s diary, that the bridge he observed was a mile and a half in front of Chatterton Hill, not at the base of the hill. The British and Hessian used the bridge, which had been there for some years, to transport artillery into position to shell Chatterton Hill. “…Martin, with his regiment supporting Haslet’s, could see the British building a short bridge over the Bronx River, which was hardly more than a rivulet at that point [the river was swollen with recent rains]. Soon the British wagons and artillery were moving over the bridge.”[59] There are too many errors and inconsistencies to list and the reader may refer to the footnote to read the complete description of the battle. Word to the wise, please do not quote Mr. Leckie in any essay or research pertaining to the Battle of White Plains.
Ron Chernow’s 2004 acclaimed biography of Alexander Hamilton was wrought with errors dealing with Hamilton’s early life. He does so here with the Battle of White Plains, falling under John Hamilton’s spell of whimsical research. He wrote: “John Hamilton says his father planted his two fieldpieces upon a rocky ledge at Chatterton’s Hill and spraed Hessian and British columns with fire as they struggled to wade across the river [at least he did not fall prey to the non-existent bridge]…Again and again Hamilton’s pieces flashed [sending] the ascending columns down to the river’s edge…Soon the British regrouped, forcing Hamilton andhis comrades to abandon the hill and finally the entire area.”[60]
Summary
Much of Alexander’s early life was shrouded in mist and misinformation. Some historians took it upon themselves to elaborate freely when primary sources and verified documentation was not available. Unfortunately, John Church Hamilton, A. Hamilton’s son, did so with such flare, that he convinced many of his colleagues, both during and long after his life, to follow suit and expand on Alexander Hamilton’s feats as a soldier. The plain fact is that Captain Hamilton, like so many artillery companies in Colonel Henry Knox’s division, were raw, untrained men who were thrust into a war against a powerful enemy. The artillery crews had not the advantage of well trained officers to direct them nor did they have the shot and powder to train appropriately. Discipline in an army of mainly ninety day militiamen was poor leading to tragic results when ordered into action, as demonstrated by so many accidental fatal casualties while shelling British ships.
Hamilton’s artillery had minimal experience prior to the Battle of White Plains. During the battle, only one of Hamilton’s two cannon within his train was accounted for. It was on the left of the American line, far from the heat of battle on the far right that faced the Hessian and British onslaught. That one gun was commanded by 2nd Lt. Fenno of Hamilton’s artillery and fired but once upon 20 dragoons who strayed too close to the American Line. Hamilton’s other cannon was most likely nearby as his two field pieces were assigned to General Scott’s Brigade who were posted on the far left of the American line.
There is no record of who commanded the two field pieces that were positioned on Chatterton Hill. One of the two cannons was documented. It’s use was dismal. As it was ordered forward, a shot struck the carriage. The artillerymen ran off forcing infantry men to drag it into place. Some of the artillerymen returned, only to fire two shots before drawing the cannon from the field. Of the other cannon, there is no reference to its use in any primary accounts. What is present in primary accounts on both sides of the conflict was that the American artillery’s was feeble.
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ARTICLES
Alexander Hamilton: The Fact and Fiction of His Early Years. Harold Larson. The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Apr., 1952), pp. 139-151 Published
Captain Hamilton of the Artillery. Major J. B. B. Trussell. The Field Artillery Journal. January – Feburary, 1950. Pp 26-29.
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FOOTNOTES
[1] Schachner’s April 1947 William & Mary Quarterly article and O’Brien’s “Hercules Mulligan” pg. 183: Hamilton told Hercules Mulligan that one of his three cannon broke down which he lost along with his baggage. He was left with two cannon upon arrival at White Plains.
[2] Chernow, pg. 63.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Schachner article William & Mary 1947 pg. 204, Chernow, pg. 47. Hercules Mulligan was of a wildly romantic nature and attached himself devotedly to Hamilton. When Hamilton arrived in America in 1772, he had a letter of introduction and given practicle arrangements for education to the firm Kartwright & Company in NYC. Hugh Mulligan was a member of the company. He and his brother Hercules took an immediate liking to Hamilton. Hercules was of a wildly romantic nature and attached himself devotedly to Hamilton. Years later he would champion Hamilton heroics for historians and biographers. Much of it was suspect.
[5] Chernow pg. 67, O’Brien pg. 182.
[6] Also called trucks – carriages with small solid wheels to facilitate loading and the recoil of cannon during firing. Not ideal for transporting over any distance that required field carriages with much larger wheels and suspension.
[7] See Article 1 of 4 in this series of articles that gives the details of events leading up to Hamilton’s commission.
[8] Flexner’s 1978 “Young Hamilton” pg. 92 and Chernow, pg. 75, both incorrectly support Hamilton’s participation in the raid.
[9] Lt. Isaac Bangs was born on Dec. 11, 1752, in Harwich Mass. He was the 2nd son of Benjamin and Desire Bangs. Isaac was educated at Harvard, class of 1771, studied medicine and became a surgeon upon graduation. He practiced medicine in Harwich until hostilities broke out with England. He enlisted as a 2nd Lieutenant in Colonel Cary’s 2nd Regiment of Militia, County of Barnstable Mass., Company in Harwich. He served in this capacity until later when his name appeared on the navy roll as assistant doctor. He died while in service on Sept. 12, 1780.
[10] Lt Bang Diary, pp 58 & 59. He mistakenly lists the date in his diary as Sept. 12, 1776,when actually the episode took place on July 12, 1776.
[11] Chernow, pg. 78
[12] Matrosses composed the largest part of a cannon crew. They served mainly to haul on the cannon and deliver explosives and shells to the gunmen.
[13] Force American Archives, Series 5, Vol. II, pg. 332.
[14] Drake, Life and Correspondence of Henry Knox, pp 28-29.
[15] Mitchell pg. 19. Also several citations from Force’s Am. Archives, See Article 2 of this series.
[16] See article 1 of 4 in this series that details records indicating Hamilton was part of fellow New Yorker General Scott’s Brigade. The Papers of Henry Knox supports that Scott was in New York during the battle: Johnson, pg. 132.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Drake, Appendix pg. 133. Henry Knox gives the artillery disposition of artillery from Aug. 3, 1776 and prior to the battle of Aug. 27, 1776. He writes that McDougall’s artillery was “as a reserve near Bayard’s Hill.” He also gives the other New York brigade artillery (Hamilton’s in Scott’s Brigade) as present in the city.
[19] Johnson, pg. 132 Fixes Hamilton at Bayard Hill during the Battle of Long Island. Miller, pg. 20, confirms Hamilton’s presence at Bayard Hill during the battle. Thomas W. Field’s extensive 1869 text on the Battle of Long Island does not reference Hamilton.
[20] John Hamilton’s 1878 biography of his father, pg. 126.
[21] Ellis, pg. 10.
[22] Hoffman, Francis. From Benedict Arnold’s Court martial, pg. 67. Hamilton made this testimony on Dec. 20, 1779. Hamilton specifically states that he was among the last of the army to have evacuated New York City and that the enemy was on their right flank. This can only be in reference to British General Howe’s invasion of York (Manhattan) Island on September 15th, 1776. His army crossed the East River from Newtown, Long Island and landed at Kip’s Bay, approximately three miles north of New York City. This would have placed the British forces on the right flank of the American Army. General Israel’s Putnam’s Division of over three thousand men and supplies were still in the city and barely escaped capture by initiating a hasty evacuation along the western side of the island.
[23] Hamilton, John, 1878 edition of Hamilton Biography, pp 128-129.
[24] These were two militia regiments under the command of engineer Colonel Rufus Putnam. They occupied Chatterton Hill until reinforced by Colonel Haslet’s Delaware regiment. Shortly after, General McDougall’s Brigade joined them that included Smallwood’s Maryland regiment. See article 2 of this series for details of this initial action.
[25] Harrison, Memoir of Lt. Col. Tench Tilghman, Sec. and aid to Washington. Rev. War Journals & Letters, pp 145-146.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Heath, pg. 69.
[28] Ibid, pp 69-70.
[29] Ryden, Letters to and from Caesar Rodney, pg. 143.
[30] Bancroft, Vol. 9 pp181-182.
[31] Dawson pg. 186.
[32] Trevelyan, Vol. II, pg. 314.
[33] Schachner, pg. 203.
[34] Ward, pg. 266.
[35] Champagne, pp 116-119.
[36] Page, pp 786-788.
[37] Schecter, pp 238-239.
[38] These resources to the first-hand accounts who make no mention of American artillery: Harison, pp13-14 & 134-146, Putnam, pp 65 & Johnston Appendix #43, Powell, (Lt. Bostwick) pp 100-101, Hutchins, pp 73-74, Martin, pp 47-48, Roberts (Lt. Harrison’s official headquarters report) pg. 30, Hall (Parsons) pg. 72, McDougall (Hull), Appendix ii, Reed, pg. 246.
[39] Beatson, Vol. 4, pg. 175.
[40] Stedman, History of the Origin, Progress, and Termination of the American War in Two Volumes.
[41] Beatson pp 174-175, Ward pp 261=266, Miller pg. 20, Jones pp 258-259, McCullough pp 223-224, Ferling pp 146-154, Allen pp 272-273, Botta pp 384-386, Schmucker pg. 46, Conant pg. 10, Lowell pp 76-77, Fisher pg. 316, Hall pg. 72.
[42] Reed pg. 246, Lancaster pg. 230, Force Am. Archives Vol. 5 Ser. 2 pg. 1271, Shea pp 411-412, Ford.
[43] Rogers, pg. 199
[44] Lossing, pp 822-823.
[45] Johnston, pg. 274.
[46] Coffin, pg. 115.
[47] C. Hamilton, Life of Hamilton, A History of the Republic of the U.S.A, Vol 1. 1876 pp. 133-34.
[48] Carrington, pp 239-241.
[49] Graybill, pp 15-16.
[50] Ellis, begins on page 9.
[51] Lodge, 1898.
[52] Schuyler, pg. 259.
[53] Atherton pp 194-195.
[54] Vandenberg, pg. 244.
[55] Schachner, pp52-53.
[56] Trussell, pp26-29.
[57] Morris, pg. 28.
[58] Flexner, pg. 119.
[59] Leckie, pg. 286.
[60] Chernow, pp 81-82.